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COPYRIGHT.  1917 

BY 
G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 


Ube  fmfcberbocfeer  press,  Hew  JJorfc 


INTRODUCTION 

PICTURE  to  yourselves  this  scene:  In 
his  stately  home  at  Paris,  Prince  Talley- 
rand lies  in  death;  Micard,  the  famous 
chemist,  is  preparing  the  body  for  burial; 
but  this  is  to  be  no  such  task  as  with  com- 
mon mortals;  rather  shall  the  arts  of  the 
Egyptians  be,  as  far  as  possible,  revived. 
Into  the  veins  of  the  great  nobleman  aro- 
matic juices  are  introduced,  while  the  as- 
sistants hang  in  wonder  over  the  skill  of 
Micard.  But  when  the  operation  is  over, 
the  chemist  (and  he  alone?)  notes  a  strange 
blunder.  The  brain,  which  has  been  re- 
moved for  elaborate  treatment,  still  remains 
in  the  glass  bowl  wherein  it  was  placed. 
To  re-open  the  skull,  to  disturb  anew  that 


INTRODUCTION 


reposeful  and  now  fragrantly  arranged  body, 
were,  (worse  than  desecration,)  a  confes- 
sion of  ineptitude  that  Micard  is  unwilling 
to  make;  he  therefore  takes  the  bowl  with 
its  marvellous  contents,  and  unobserved, 
we  hope,  bears  the  object  away  with  him. 
Once  in  the  streets,  he  seeks  a  method  for 
disposal,  and  finds  it,  by,  to  our  mind,  the 
most  eloquent  of  coincidences,  in  the  very 
sewer-opening  through  which  the  body  of 
Robespierre,  (when  that  bloody  peak  of  the 
Mountain  fell,)  had  been  consigned  to  hid- 
den waters.  It  is  an  episode  which  Victor 
Hugo,  not  without  some  errors  in  the  re- 
countal,  has  related,  and  which,  in  its  pre- 
sent presentation,  is  vouched  for  by  friends 
of  Micard  to  whom,  in  later  days,  he  nar- 
rated the  affair.  To  such  strange  doom 
was  destined  the  crafty  brain  which  had, 
to  a  notable  extent,  shaped  the  careers  of 
dynasties  and  the  histories  of  nations,  and, 


INTRODUCTION 


towards  the  end  of  its  labors,  had  conceived 
the  idea  of  the  inviolability  and  permanent 
neutrality  of  Belgium,  maintained  by  the 
guarantees  of  England,  Prussia,  Austria, 
Russia  and  France. 

The  circumstances  in  the  Netherlands 
culminating  in  the  establishment  of  this 
new  Belgium,  form  the  subject  matter  of 
the  memoirs  that  the  Comte  de  Mercy 
Argenteau  has  entitled  The  Events  of  1830; 
and  this  (hitherto  unpublished)  manu- 
script of  the  Grand  Chamberlain  of  King 
William  I  is  perhaps  the  most  authentic 
and  intimate  document  explaining  the 
schism  that  took  place  in  the  Netherlands 
immediately  after  its  neighbor  France  had, 
(maintaining  its  tradition  as  European 
leader  in  political  liberalism,)  swept  away 
that  most  reactionary  of  Bourbon  kings, 
Charles  X.  In  pondering  the  many  inter- 
views which  Mercy  Argenteau  had  with  the 


INTRODUCTION 


King  of  the  Netherlands  in  the  hope  of 
affecting  the  intolerant  policy  of  that  stub- 
born scion  of  the  House  of  Orange,  we  are 
brought  to  the  interesting  conjecture  as 
to  whether,  had  the  Count's  advice  been 
followed,  the  great  world  war  of  to-day 
would  not  have  assumed  another  aspect. 
A  more  enlightened  attitude  towards  his 
joint  kingdom  would  have  rendered  unneces- 
sary William's  final  reluctant  compliance 
with  the  arrangements  arrived  at  in  the 
Conference  of  London,  and  there  might 
have  been  no  treaty  regarding  Belgium's 
independence,  no  "scrap  of  paper,"  whose 
violation  by  one  of  its  signatories  has  chal- 
lenged the  moral  judgment  of  mankind. 

It  may  be  recalled  that  after  the  entrance 
of  the  Allies  into  Paris  had  ended  the  Napo- 
leonic Empire,  (for  The  Hundred  Days  were 
inevitably  the  futile  flame  of  a  dying  fire — 
the  brilliant  afterthought  of  a  great  author 

vi 


O  - 


^s(ii*c4iz<iJi<.i 


INTRODUCTION 


whose  tale  is  ended,)  Napoleon's  former 
Minister  returned  to  his  native  land,  then 
no  longer  a  part  of  the  French  Empire. 
The  Congress  of  Vienna  had  created  the 
new  Kingdom  of  the  Netherlands,  wherein 
Holland  and  the  ancient  Austrian  province 
of  Belgium  were  placed  under  the  rule  of 
the  Dutch  Prince,  now  bearing  the  title  of 
King  William  I.  The  fifteen  years  which 
were  to  pass  by  before  France  again  dis- 
turbed Europe  through  her  demands  for 
her  truest  heritage  from  the  Revolution, 
were  years  in  which  the  policies  of  the 
Austrian  Chancellor,  Prince  Metternich, 
sought  to  compress  the  continent  within 
the  narrow  moulds  of  "legitimate"  rule. 
The  conservative  reaction  that  seized  upon 
Europe  after  the  overthrow  of  Napoleon, 
had,  for  a  while,  resulted  in  a  condition  of 
political  stagnation,  and  liberal  ideas  were 
looked  upon  with  hostility  by  the  group  of 


INTRODUCTION 


monarchs  of  whom  Metternich  was  the 
spokesman.  Gradually,  however,  the  il- 
liberality  of  the  Bourbons  on  the  thrones 
of  Spain,  Italy  and  France,  and  of  other 
"legitimate"  rulers  over  the  Russian,  Aus- 
trian and  Turkish  empires,  brought  on 
insurrections.  Revolts  in  Spain,  Greece, 
Italy,  Portugal  and  Poland  gave  evidence 
that  growth  of  people  demanding  a  voice 
in  their  own  government  could  not  be  for- 
ever constrained  within  moulds  shaped 
along  the  hard  and  ungracious  lines  of 
dynastic  tyranny.  The  formula  of  Met- 
ternich was  outlasting  its  usefulness;  and 
when  Canning,  as  Prime  Minister  of  Eng- 
land, refused  to  countenance  the  policies 
of  the  Holy  Alliance,  and  our  own  President 
Monroe  laid  down,  in  contravention  to  the 
authority  of  the  Spanish  Bourbons,  the 
dictum  that  has  assured  the  independence 
of  South  American  states  from  European 

viii 


INTRODUCTION 


rule,  it  became  clear  to  all,  except  royal 
eyes  congenitally  blind,  that  the  spirit  of 
nationalism  and  of  popular  self-government 
was  escaping  effectively  from  the  gilded 
cords  whereby  the  Congress  of  Vienna  had 
sought  to  bind  it. 

In  this  record  of  liberalizing  movements, 
the  Paris  Revolution  of  July,  1830,  has  a 
most  important  place.  Similar  attempts 
in  other  countries  during  the  preceding 
fifteen  years  had  proved,  mainly  because 
of  the  strong  hand  of  Austria,  abortive; 
the  Paris  Revolution  was  the  first  to  result, 
(and  with  comparatively  little  bloodshed,) 
in  ponderable  success.  Its  general  influ- 
ence on  the  rest  of  Europe  was  indirect; 
but  at  least  in  the  case  of  Belgium  it  may 
be  regarded  as  immediate. 

France  discarded  the  successor  of  Louis 
XVIII,  because  Charles  X,  during  the  six 
years  of  his  reign,  had,  in  his  exercise  of 


INTRODUCTION 


censorship,  his  dissolution  of  the  National 
Guard,  his  appointment  of  the  abominated 
Minister  Polignac,  so  violated  the  rights 
and  feelings  of  his  people  that  the  Ordi- 
nances immediately  preceding  the  Revolu- 
tion of  July,  decreeing  the  suppression  of  the 
Press,  the  dissolution  of  the  Chamber,  and 
a  radical  change  in  the  manner  of  election, 
were  merely  the  final  drops  that  brought 
the  bitter  cup  to  an  overflowing.  The 
injustices  of  King  William  of  the  Nether- 
lands were  less  grievous  than  those  of 
Charles  X,  but  involved  a  similar  mental 
obliquity  and  similar  stubborn  adherence 
to  royal  prerogatives.  In  a  way,  the  prob- 
lem of  the  Dutch  King  was  more  compli- 
cated: as  ruler  over  a  newly  constituted 
kingdom,  he  did  not  have  such  strong 
reason  to  study,  in  its  immediate  personal 
application,  the  lessons  which  the  fate  of 
the  earlier  Bourbons  should  have  taught 


INTRODUCTION 


Charles  X.  Yet  William  I  was  reigning 
not  over  one  people  like  that  of  France, 
but  over  two  peoples,  distinct  in  their  reli- 
gions, their  languages,  and  their  activities. 
Holland  was  a  Protestant  nation,  its  pros- 
perity founded  on  commerce;  Belgium  was 
a  Catholic  nation,  whose  welfare  was  de- 
rived largely  from  agriculture  and  mining. 
The  Northern  people  of  the  new  Kingdom 
of  the  Netherlands  spoke  the  Dutch  lan- 
guage, while  the  Southern  provinces  used, 
for  the  most  part,  the  tongue  of  their  neigh- 
bor, France.  The  situation  thus  called  for 
a  monarch  of  liberal  and  elastic  ideas,  of  a 
wise  and  conciliatory  temper. 

As  Governor  of  South  Brabant,  during 
the  years  immediately  succeeding  the  Con- 
gress of  Vienna,  Mercy  Argenteau  lost  no 
time  in  endeavoring  to  instruct  the  King 
how  ill-advised  was  the  decree  that  sought 
to  make  the  use  of  the  Dutch  language  oblig- 


INTRODUCTION 


atory  in  the  Belgic  provinces;  and  as  early 
as  1818,  the  Count  risked  the  monarch's 
displeasure  in  placing,  unasked,  in  the  hands 
of  the  King,  a  monograph  showing  that  in 
imposing  a  foreign  language  upon  any  sec- 
tion of  his  people,  William  I  was  following 
a  policy  opposed  to  that  of  a  long  line  of 
monarchs.  William's  reluctance  to  accept 
the  ideas  of  the  Governor  of  South  Brabant, 
finally  led  Mercy  Argenteau  to  resign  this 
office,  but  he  was  prevailed  upon  to  con- 
tinue his  court  post  of  Grand  Chamberlain, 
and  it  is  in  this  capacity  that  he  sought, 
(prior  to,  and  during  the  difficult  days  of 
1830,)  to  guide  the  King's  opinions  into 
broader  channels.  The  difficulties  which 
beset  the  Government  first  became  thor- 
oughly accentuated  in  1825,  when  laws 
(regarding  public  instruction)  were  passed 
in  violent  opposition  to  public  opinion  in 
the  Catholic  provinces  of  the  South.  Not 


INTRODUCTION 


alone  were  private  ecclesiastic  establish- 
ments closed,  but  the  King  went  to  the 
absurd  length  of  decreeing  that  no  public 
office  should  be  held  by  any  young  men  who 
had  pursued  their  studies  in  a  foreign  coun- 
try. The  very  excess  of  these  measures 
led  the  King  finally  to  reconsider  them, 
and  he  signed  decrees  rendering  optional 
the  use  of  the  Dutch  language  and  attend- 
ance at  the  College  of  Philosophy,  the 
institution  which  he  had  founded  in  op- 
posing Catholic  education.  But  the  pub- 
lication of  these  decrees  he  continually 
delayed;  and  the  more  strenuously  his 
Belgian  subjects  demanded  them,  the  more 
stubbornly  he  kept  them  locked  in  his, 
desk. 

Such,  then,  was  the  situation  at  the  end 
of  1829:  a  people  demanding  freedom  in 
many  directions,  and  a  King  hesitant  to 
accord  important  rights,  lest  any  but  minor 

xiii 


INTRODUCTION 


concessions  might  be  regarded  as  un-royal 
yielding  to  popular  clamor. 

Mercy  Argenteau  has  included  in  an 
Appendix  to  his  Memoirs  two  documents 
which  should  be  consulted  in  the  Appendix 
of  the  present  volume.  The  Royal  Message 
of  December  nth,  1829,  gives  suggestive 
indication  of  the  irritating  problems  that 
were  soon  to  find  their  solution  in  civil  war, 
and  displays,  also,  the  indetermined  and 
vacillating  attitude  of  the  Government. 
The  freedom  of  the  press  is  praised  in  prin- 
ciple, but  attacked  in  practice;  reference 
is  made  to  the  Concordat  with  the  Pope 
that  shall  settle  the  difficult  question  of  the 
appointments  of  Roman  Catholic  bishops, 
and  of  Catholic  instruction,  but  the  King 
speaks  in  a  threatening  tone  of  ' '  exaggerated 
religious  zeal,"  and  we  have  but  to  refer 
to  Mercy  Argenteau's  personal  interview, 
a  few  weeks  earlier,  with  Pius  VIII,  to 


INTRODUCTION 


realize  how  little  the  King's  Catholic  sub- 
jects in  the  Southern  provinces  had  to  hope 
from  the  long  negotiations  between  the 
Netherlands  Government  and  the  Holy  See. 
In  all  governmental  departments  the  Pro- 
testant element  was  preponderant. 

Several  reforms  we  do,  however,  note  in 
the  Royal  Message.  Communal  and  pro- 
vincial authority  is  given  wider  scope,  and 
the  principle  of  the  non-removability  of 
judges  is  assured.  But  the  crucial  demand 
for  ministerial  responsibility  to  the  two 
Chambers  that  form  the  States-General  is 
dismissed  in  a  cloud  of  verbiage,  which, 
despite  its  conciliatory  phraseology,  still 
leaves  clear  the  King's  determination  to 
exercise  in  person  the  final  authority  in 
national  legislation. 

The  second  document  is  the  Circular 
Letter,  sent  by  the  Minister  of  Justice, 
Van  Maanen,  to  all  the  officers  of  the  law, 


INTRODUCTION 


as  an  accompaniment  of  the  Royal  Message. 
The  tenor  of  this  missive  is  the  best  proof  of 
Mercy  Argenteau's  wisdom  in  advising  the 
King,  after  the  Royal  Message  had  failed 
to  quiet  civic  disturbances,  of  the  necessity 
of  Van  Maanen's  removal  from  office. 

Various  other  complexities  of  the  situa- 
tion, such  as  the  contradictory  absence  of 
ministerial  responsibility  to  the  Chambers, 
coupled  with  the  lack  of  constitutional 
authority  of  the  King  to  dissolve  the  Cham- 
bers, made  matters  increasingly  difficult, 
and  Mercy  Argenteau  was  entirely  logical 
in  writing  to  the  King,  during  the  early 
months  of  1830,  that  ''the  royal  power  must 
either  bend  before  the  superlative  power  of 
the  opposition,  or  the  royal  power  will  be 
able  to  extricate  itself  only  by  a  very  dan- 
gerous method — that  which  is  called  coup 
d'etat:' 

It  was  a  copy  of  this  letter  that  Mercy 


XVI 


INTRODUCTION 


Argenteau,  soon  thereafter,  showed  to  Gen- 
eral Fagel,  the  Minister  of  the  Netherlands 
at  the  Court  of  Charles  X.  Fagel  agrees 
with  the  King's  Grand  Chamberlain  that 
William's  stubbornness  and  indecision  are 
to  be  deplored,  and  trusts  that  the  frank- 
ness of  Mercy  Argenteau  may  lead  the 
Dutch  King  to  immediate  reforms  in  his 
Government. 

There  were  in  the  diplomatic  service  at 
Paris  at  this  time,  two  other  men  to  whom 
Mercy  Argenteau  pays  special  tribute;  one 
of  these  was  the  Prussian  Minister,  Baron 
Werther,  and  the  other,  the  Russian  Am- 
bassador, Pozzo  di  Borgo,  whose  signature 
we  shall  later  see  appended  to  the  now  un- 
forgettable treaty  in  which,  at  London  in 
1839,  the  inviolable  neutrality  of  Belgium 
was  guaranteed  by  the  five  Great  Powers 
of  Europe.  Both  the  Russian  and  Prussian 
Ministers  Plenipotentiary  thoroughly  un- 


INTRODUCTION 


derstood  the  trend  of  events,  but  it  was 
Pozzo  di  Borgo  whose  vision  went  deepest 
and  furthest  of  all  the  foreign  diplomats 
accredited  to  the  Court  of  Charles  X. 

Almost  ten  years  had  elapsed  since  Mercy 
Argenteau's  old  master,  the  great  Napo- 
leon, had  died;  and  if  Mercy  Argenteau 
had  ever  born  ill-will  towards  Pozzo  di 
Borgo  for  his  long  enmity  against  Napoleon, 
it  was  an  ill-will  now  relegated  to  the  irre- 
trievable past.  Carlo  Andrea  Pozzo  di 
Borgo  had  been  born  in  Corsica  in  1868, 
and  was  in  youth  the  friend  of  the  young 
Bonaparte,  his  junior  by  but  a  year.  When, 
however,  as  Corsican  representative  in 
the  French  National  Assembly  of  1791- 
1792,  Pozzo  acted  in  opposition  to  the  poli- 
cies favored  by  Bonaparte,  and  continued 
in  his  espousal  of  the  cause  of  the  Corsican 
patriot,  Paoli,  the  rift  widened  between 
him  and  the  Bonapartes,  until,  in  1798,  it 


INTRODUCTION 


was  Pozzo  who  used  all  his  endeavors  to 
effect  the  first  alliance  of  Austria  and  Russia 
against  France.  To  Pozzo,  also,  (whose 
extradition  Napoleon  demanded  in  vain 
from  Emperor  Francis,  in  1809,)  was  due 
the  advice  which  led  Emperor  Alexander 
into  the  Russian  War  of  1812,  so  fatal  to 
Napoleon ;  and  the  downfall  of  the  Corsican 
Emperor  finally  and  inevitably  followed 
the  oft-quoted  declaration  of  his  boyhood 
friend,  the  Corsican  diplomatist,  that  "the 
Allies  made  war  not  on  France,  but  on 
Napoleon."  What  a  familiar  ring  these 
words  have  for  us,  when  we  recall  the  phrase 
of  the  President  of  the  United  States  con- 
cerning a  war  not  against  the  German 
people,  but  its  Government! 

During  the  remainder  of  his  life,  Pozzo 
di  Borgo  played  an  important  part  in  several 
events  of  high  international  significance; 
and  how  quick  was  his  insight,  how  keen 

xix 


INTRODUCTION 


his  foresight,  is  shown  by  his  statement  to 
Mercy  Argenteau,  after  the  Grand  Cham- 
berlain of  King  William  of  the  Nether- 
lands had  his  remarkable  interview  with 
Charles  X. 

This  interview  was  readily  obtainable, 
not  alone  because  of  the  courteous  relation- 
ship which  existed  between  the  King  and 
the  Count,  but  also  because  the  King 
cherished  warm  regard  for  the  memory  of 
that  Comte  de  Mercy  Argenteau  who  had 
been  the  guardian  of  Marie  Antoinette. 
Yet  the  startling  candor  with  which  Charles 
X  conducted  his  conversation  with  the  Bel- 
gian diplomat  was  far  beyond  the  expecta- 
tions of  his  auditor.  The  French  monarch 
begins  with  congratulating  Mercy  Argen- 
teau because  "your  King  has  at  last  become 
a  King" ;  referring  in  this  statement  to  Wil- 
liam's declaration  of  December  nth,  1829, * 

1  See  Appendix 

xx 


INTRODUCTION 


that  he  alone  had  the  right  to  interpret  the 
constitution. — "Royalty,"  said  the  Bour- 
bon King,  "is  menaced  everywhere  and  on 
all  sides.  .  .  .  What  you  call  charter  and 
constitution  are  not  in  accord  with  royal 
power,  which  is  one  by  itself,  and  must 
remain  so  for  the  safety  of  society  which, 
without  it,  were  condemned  to  perish.  .  .  . 
We  must  free  ourselves  from  this  situation 
at  any  cost." 

With  these  words,  (and  we  must  remem- 
ber that  the  fateful  month  of  July  was  still 
many  weeks  away,)  the  last  of  the  elder 
line  of  Bourbons  had  practically  disclosed 
to  Mercy  Argenteau  his  intention  to  effect 
a  coup  d'etat;  and  the  astonished  and  per- 
turbed Count,  well  realizing  what  such  an 
eventuality  would  mean  for  his  own  land, 
hastens  to  discuss  the  situation  with  Pozzo 
di  Borgo,  ' '  the  soul  of  the  foreign  diplomatic 
corps  at  Paris." 


INTRODUCTION 


"What,"  cries  the  Russian  Ambassador, 
on  hearing  the  pregnant  tidings;  "did  the 
King  say  this  to  you?  .  .  .  He  has  never 
said  anything  like  it  to  anyone  before !  .  .  . 
He  will  carry  out  this  coup  d'etat,  and  in 
so  doing,  he  will  destroy  himself.  .  .  .  Be 
assured,  the  Bourbons  are  doomed!" 

The  last  word  of  advice  that  Mercy 
Argenteau  received  from  Pozzo  di  Borgo 
was  to  urge  the  King  of  the  Netherlands  to 
abandon  the  dangerous  road  of  royal  tyr- 
anny and  to  put  a  stop  to  the  discontent  of 
his  subjects. 

Armed  with  the  coinciding  opinions  of 
the  Austrian  and  Prussian  Ministers  at 
Paris,  and  with  the  new  and  unprecedented 
information  so  startlingly  obtained  from  the 
King  of  France,  Mercy  Argenteau  hurries 
to  Brussels  where  he  has  a  fearless  interview 
with  King  William.  But  that  monarch  is 
hard  to  move,  and  stubbornly  adheres  to 

zxii 


INTRODUCTION 


the  position  that  the  Great  Powers  which, 
(at  the  Congress  of  Vienna,)  constituted  his 
Kingdom,  will  not  allow  any  rupture  of 
the  Netherlands. — But  the  political  philo- 
sophy of  Metternich  was  losing  its  vitality, 
and  the  Conference  of  London  was  soon  to 
prove  to  King  William  that  not  the  most 
legitimate  of  Kings  could  much  longer  flout 
the  constitutional  rights  of  his  subjects. 
Although  it  took  almost  nine  years  before 
the  final  arrangements  solved  all  the  diffi- 
culties between  Holland  and  Belgium,  the 
Great  Powers  whose  representatives  met 
in  1830  at  London  immediately  recognized 
the  acts  that  had  taken  place  in  the  Nether- 
lands, allowing  the  Southern  provinces  to 
constitute  themselves  into  the  separate 
State  of  Belgium. 

The  many  events  that  Mercy  Argenteau 
recounts  between  his  interview  in  March, 
with  Charles  X,  and  the  accession  of  Leo- 


INTRODUCTION 


pold  as  first  King  of  the  Belgians,  throw 
vivid  side-lights  on  the  struggle  which  finally 
overthrew  the  authority  of  King  William. 

Among  the  graphic  scenes  of  1830  that 
Mercy  Argenteau  pictures  is  one  which  took 
place  at  the  Chateau  de  Rambouillet,  when 
the  Duchesse  de  Berry,  the  daughter-in-law 
of  Charles  X,  first  heard  the  news  of  the 
Revolution  in  Paris.  Herself  the  daughter 
of  a  King,  she,  with  royal  courage,  was  eager 
to  mount  her  horse,  and,  her  son  in  her  arms, 
to  address  the  National  Guard  in  the  wish  to 
place  herself  at  their  head  and  suppress  the 
uprising.  Another  scene  in  its  way  fully 
as  significant,  had  taken  place  at  the  race- 
course at  Brussels,  where  the  Prince  of 
Orange  welcomed  as  glorious  news  the  tid- 
ings of  the  French  King's  coup  d'etat;  but 
Mercy  Argenteau,  "absorbed  in  sad  pre- 
sentiments," could  not  join  in  the  Prince's 
elation. 

xxiv 


INTRODUCTION 


The  accession  of  Louis  Philippe  of  the 
House  of  Orleans,  the  younger  branch  of 
the  Bourbons,  offered  opportunities  to  King 
William  of  which  that  headstrong  monarch 
failed  to  take  advantage.  While,  following 
the  lead  of  the  Great  Powers,  the  Nether- 
lands recognized  without  delay  the  new 
"Citizen- King,"  William  did  little  to  satisfy 
the  demands  of  his  subjects  whose  spirit  of 
independence  had  received  a  great  impetus 
through  the  events  of  July  in  France.  The 
King  of  the  Netherlands  continued  his 
policy  of  procrastination  and  half-way 
measures.  Whereupon  the  disturbances  in 
his  Southern  provinces  swiftly  increased, 
and  it  soon  became  manifest  that  there 
must  be  either  administrative  separation 
between  the  two  great  parts  of  his  Kingdom, 
or  civil  war.  Mercy  Argenteau's  advice 
to  grant  the  Belgian  provinces  legislative 
independence,  might  even  then  have  been 


INTRODUCTION 


followed,  with  William  remaining  as  the 
constitutional  King  of  the  two  nations; 
but,  "lacking  the  statesman's  insight,  and 
a  stranger  to  all  questions  involved  in 
statesmanship,  and,  above  all,  unable  to 
understand  the  spirit  of  the  time,  King 
William  was  to  remain  the  pawn  of  events." 

The  contradictory  courses  pursued  by  the 
Prince  of  Orange  and  his  father  only  made 
matters  worse,  and  every  step  that  was 
taken,  every  concession  that  was  granted, 
was  either  unintelligent  or  too  late;  and 
there  were  to  be  evil  days  for  the  Dutch 
and  the  Belgians  before  the  Conference  of 
London  perhaps  saved  Europe  from  general 
war,  in  supporting  Prince  Leopold  of  Saxe- 
Coburg  as  the  ruler  over  those  disturbed 
provinces  in  whose  affairs  Mercy  Argen- 
teau  had  played  so  enlightened  a  part. 

Before  concluding  these  introductory 
notes,  it  were  perhaps  well  to  follow  in  swift 

xxvi 


INTRODUCTION 


chronological  review  the  steps  which  ended 
at  the  throne  of  a  new  Belgium.  The 
Royal  Message  of  December  IIth,  1829,  led 
to  increased  opposition,  violently  evinced 
by  the  Belgian  newspapers  during  January 
and  February,  1830.  The  editors  De  Potter 
and  Tielemans  were  sent  into  exile.  After 
the  coronation  on  the  7th  of  August  of 
Louis  Philippe,  the  excitement  increased, 
and  on  the  25th,  the  Brussels  mob  set  fire 
to  the  house  of  the  hated  Minister  Van 
Maanen.  On  the  26th  there  was  blood 
shed  in  the  streets;  on  the  2Qth  a  deputa- 
tion went  to  make  demands  of  the  King, 
who  received  them  a  few  days  later,  and 
refused  to  dismiss  his  Minister.  On  that 
same  day,  however,  the  Prince  of  Orange 
went  to  Brussels  and  issued  a  friendly  but 
ineffectual  proclamation.  A  few  weeks 
later  his  brother,  Prince  Frederick,  ap- 
proached Brussels  at  the  head  of  his  troops. 


INTRODUCTION 


Fighting  took  place  between  the  Dutch 
and  the  Belgians,  and,  at  the  end  of  three 
days,  the  troops  withdrew.  The  dead  and 
wounded  numbered  between  four  and  five 
thousand.  A  week  later,  (October  4th)  the 
Provisional  Government  at  Brussels  de- 
termined to  constitute  the  Belgian  Provinces 
into  a  separate  State.  King  William  ap- 
pealed to  Austria,  Russia,  Prussia  and 
England  for  troops,  but  France  objected 
in  a  menacing  way.  Talleyrand  then  began 
to  pull  the  wires,  and  on  November  4th, 
the  Conference  of  London  had  its  initial 
meeting.  Towards  the  end  of  that  month 
the  Dutch  attack  on  Antwerp  utterly 
alienated  the  Belgians  from  the  House  of 
Orange,  and  ended  the  chances  of  the  Prince 
Royal,  (who  had  previously  made  advances 
to  the  Provisional  Government,)  of  becom- 
ing the  King  of  the  Belgians,  although  the 
London  Conference  continued  to  advocate 

xxviii 


INTRODUCTION 


his  candidacy.  Various  other  princes  were 
suggested  (Louis  Philippe  declining  the 
crown  for  his  son,  the  Due  de  Nemours) ; 
until  finally,  on  June  4,  1831,  Prince  Leo- 
pold of  Saxe-Coburg  was  chosen  by  the 
Belgians. 

If  we  would  have  extended  information 
concerning  many  of  the  episodes  at  the 
London  Conferences  during  1830-1839,  con- 
cluding with  the  treaties  signed  and  ratified 
by  Holland,  Belgium,  the  five  Great  Powers 
and  the  Confederation  of  the  Rhine,  we 
can,  with  interesting  results,  turn  to  the 
memoirs  of  Prince  Talleyrand,  (sometime 
Grand  Chamberlain  of  Napoleon,)  who  had 
given  Mercy  Argenteau  his  earliest  instruc- 
tions when  the  young  Count  entered  into 
the  services  of  the  Emperor  of  the  French. 
There,  we  can  learn  of  the  cogent  reasons 
why  France  and  Prussia,  Austria,  England 
and  Russia,  saw  the  vital  necessity  of  main- 


INTRODUCTION 


taining  order  in  the  Low  Countries.  While 
to-day  we  think  of  the  territory  between 
France  and  Prussia  as  a  barrier  between 
German  militarism  and  French  unaggres- 
siveness,  Belgium,  in  1830  was  considered 
by  the  Powers  as  a  barrier  of  quite  another 
kind.  Men's  minds  still  held  in  fresh 
memory  the  disturbing  ambitions  of  Na- 
poleonic France,  and  when  Prussia  signed 
the  treaty  that  had  as  one  of  its  main 
purposes  the  permanent  neutrality  and 
inviolability  of  Belgium,  the  Prussian  King 
regarded  this  agreement  as  an  act  of 
peace  for  all  Europe,  but  most  immediately 
so  for  his  own  territories;  while  Louis 
Philippe  gladly  assented  to  an  arrangement 
allaying  whatever  fears  or  suspicions  might 
still  have  lurked  in  the  minds  of  his  fellow 
monarchs,  regarding  France's  desire  to 
annex  Belgium. 

Strange,  how  far  differently  events  have 


NOTICE  H1STORIQUE 


1830 


aq,  (e. 


COMTE  DE  MERCY  ARGBNTEAU, 

r^tanS  wfiawiooMar)  Du/  Tloi     buittctU'me    1** 


1560 

mile  -of   ^si&ceiCKie 


INTRODUCTION 


taken  their  course!  The  armies  of  Ger- 
many, not  of  France,  hold  to-day  the  Bel- 
gian land.  The  pledge  that  she  gave  in 
1839,  Prussia,  in  1914,  with  ruthless  hand 
brushed  aside ;  and  now  the  world  is  strug- 
gling in  the  net  of  universal  war.  When  it 
will  end,  who  shall  say?  But  this  at  least, 
we  shall  not  doubt :  never  until  the  land  for 
whose  liberties  Mercy  Argenteau  pleaded 
so  earnestly  comes  again  into  its  own. 


GEORGE  S.  HELLMAN. 


UPPER  SARANAC, 
September,  1917. 


xxxi 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

INTRODUCTION iii 

CHAPTER 

I. — Mercy  Argenteau  receives  the  Order  of  the 
Grand  Cross  of  the  Netherlands — His  letter  to 
the  Comte  de  Reede,  the  Grand  Marshal — 
His  Memorandum  written  when  Governor 
of  Brabant — The  policies  of  Charles  V., 
Philip  II.,  Maria  Theresa,  Napoleon,  and 
Louis  XIV.,  in  regard  to  the  imposition  of  a 
foreign  tongue  on  any  portion  of  their  peoples.  i 

II. — Mercy  Argenteau  resigns  his  office  as  Governor, 
because  the  Dutch  language  is  made  obliga- 
tory on  the  Belgians — He  foresees  political 
difficulties  ......  5 

III. — The  Papal  Internuncio,  Cappacini — The  un- 
constitutional and  unrepresentative  system  of 
the  Government  of  King  William — Mercy 
Argenteau1  s  comments  on  the  part  that  the 
Netherlands  might  have  assumed  under  an 
enlightened  monarch — A  journey  through 
ice  and  snow  ......  7 

IV. — The  King  prevails  upon  Mercy  Argenteau  to 
retain  his  post  of  Grand  Chamberlain — The 
Count  refuses  to  become  a  member  of  the  First 
Chamber  of  the  States-General,  as  he  would 
prefer  to  advise  the  King  in  private.  .  13 

V. — The  Count's  discussion  with  the  King  regarding 
the  situation  in  the  Southern  provinces — The 
mistaken  steps  of  the  Government  for  the  past 


CONTENTS 


five  years,  since  1825 — The  College  of  Philo- 
sophy— The  decree  aimed  against  foreign 
education  of  the  youth  of  the  Netherlands — 
The  growing  spirit  of  opposition  in  the  two 
Chambers  of  the  States-General  .  .  18 

VI. — Mercy  Argenteau's  conversation  with  Pope 
Pius  VIII — The  Pope's  criticisms  of  the 
King's  course — Nominations  of  Bishops  .  26 

VII. — The  King  signs  the  decrees  rendering  optional 
the  use  of  Dutch,  and  attendance  at  the  College 
of  Philosophy,  but  keeps  these  decrees  locked 
in  his  desk — The  remonstrances  of  Mercy 
Argenteau  ......  33 

VIII. — The  approach  of  the  Revolution  of  July  in 
Paris — Mercy  Argenteau  is  appointed  Presi- 
dent of  the  Commission  at  the  Brussels  Exposi- 
tion— His  report  to  the  King  concerning 
affairs  in  the  Belgian  provinces,  and  his 
strongly  worded  recommendation  for  radical 
concessions  ......  36 

IX. — Mercy  Argenteau  at  Paris — Baron  Fagel, 
Minister  from  the  Netherlands — Pozzo  di 
Borgo,  the  Russian  Ambassador — Baron  de 
Werther,  the  Prussian  Minister.  .  .  43 

X. — References  to  Comte  Florimond  de  Mercy  Ar- 
genteau as  the  guardian  of  Marie  Antoinette 
— Mercy  Argenteau's  interview  with  Charles 
X.  at  the  Tuileries — The  excitement  and 
candor  of  the  King  of  France — His  revelation 
of  his  intention  to  effect  a  coup  d'etat.  .  46 

XI. — Mercy  Argenteau's  interview  with  Pozzo  di 
Borgo — The  Russian  Ambassador's  con- 
sternation at  the  words  of  Charles  X — 


CONTENTS 


Mercy  Argenteau  the  first  diplomat  so  taken 
into  the  King's  confidence — Pozzo  di  Borgo 
prophecies  the  downfall  of  the  Bourbons — 
Mercy  Argenteau  returns  to  Brussels — His 
interview  with  King  William,  to  whom  he 
relates  his  interview  with  Charles  X  and  the 
Russian  and  Prussian  Envoys  at  Paris — 
Mercy  Argenteau  urges  decided  and  immedi- 
ate reforms  and  the  dismissal  of  Van  Maanen, 
Minister  of  Justice — The  King  fails  to  under- 
stand the  situation;  he  believes  even  if  the 
Bourbons  should  fall,  and  the  Southern 
provinces  of  the  Netherlands  be  invaded,  his 
Kingdom  of  the  Netherlands  will  be  fully 
Protected  by  the  Treaty  of  1815 — Mercy  Ar- 
genteau realizes  that  the  relations  of  Austria, 
Prussia,  and  England  towards  King  William 
might  not  lead  them  to  interfere  with  an 
independent  Belgium  •  •  •  •  55 

XII. — The  Conference  at  London  in  1830 — Its  re- 
cognition of  the  Southern  provinces,  which  are 
permitted  to  constitute  themselves  into  a 
separate  state — The  King  leaves  for  The 
Hague,  while  Mercy  Argenteau  remains  to 
preside  over  the  Brussels  exposition.  .  .  74 

XIII. — Charles  X.  signs  the  famous  Ordinances — The 
Revolution  in  Paris — The  Duchess  de  Berry 
wishes  to  head  the  National  Guard — Scene 
at  the  race-course  at  Brussels  where  the 
Prince  of  Orange  learns  of  the  French  King's 
coup  d'etat 77 

XIV. — Louis  Philippe  ascends  the  throne  of  France — 

He   is   recognized   by   the   Great  Powers — 

Prince    Talleyrand,    Minister    of    Foreign 

Affairs — King  William  fails  to  take  advan- 

xxxv 


CONTENTS 


tage  of  the  opportunity  offered  by  the  Paris 
Revolution  of  July — The  Prince  of  Orange 
returns  to  The  Hague  ....  87 

XV. — The  alliance  between  France  and  England — 
The  interests  of  France  in  Belgium — The 
correspondence  between  Louis  Philippe  and 
King  William  I. — Mercy  Argenteau's  con- 
versations with  the  King  at  Brussels — The 
King  insists  on  leaving  for  The  Hague  .  92 

XVI. — The  uprisings  in  Brussels — The  destruction  of 
the  house  of  the  Minister  of  Justice  Van 
Maanen — The  riots  on  the  24th  of  August, 
the  anniversary  of  the  King's  birthday — The 
Count  hastens  to  his  home  at  A  rgenteau — His 
conversations  with  the  Governor  Sandberg,  at 
Liege — The  King's  son,  Prince  Frederick, 
commands  the  troops  near  Antwerp  .  .  103 

XVIL — The  opening  session  of  the  States-General  at 
The  Hague — The  marriage  of  the  Princess 
Marianne  to  Prince  Albert  of  Prussia — 
Mercy  Argenteau  goes  to  the  home  of  Baron 
Fagel  at  The  Hague  .  .  .  .no 

XVIII. — The  Provisional  Government  at  Brussels — 
Spread  of  the  revolutionary  movement — The 
Conference  at  London — The  King  invites 
Mercy  Argenteau  to  a  private  interview  .  117 

XIX. — Mercy  Argenteau  informs  the  King  fully  of 
affairs  at  Brussels — Neither  the  King  nor 
Prince  Frederick  had  known  of  the  happen- 
ings there — The  Count  urges  immediate 
administrative  separation  between  Holland 
and  Belgium — He  advises  King  William 
to  address  a  conciliatory  proclamation  to 
the  citizens  of  Brussels  ....  122 


CONTENTS 


XX. — Mercy  Argenteau  reads  to  the  King  his  draft  of 
a  proclamation  such  as  he  would  wish  to  have 
made — King  William  is  willing  to  express 
conciliatory  sentiments  but  will  not  commit 
himself  on  the  main  point  of  separate  ad- 
ministration— The  discussion  of  the  strength 
of  the  King's  army — The  Count  offers  to  go  to 
Brussels  as  the  King's  emissary.  .  .  133 

XXI. — Mercy  Argenteau  urges  the  King  not  to  allow 
either  of  his  sons  to  lead  the  attack  against 
Brussels — The  King  decides  that  his  second 
son,  Prince  Frederick,  shall  do  so — Continued 
irresolution  and  illusion  on  the  part  of  King 
William — The  Belgian  revolutionaries  estab- 
lish their  government  through  acts  of  their 
Provisional  Congress  ,  .  .  .145 

XXII. — Mercy  Argenteau  is  unable  to  convince  the 
King  and  leaves  The  Hague — His  estimate 
of  the  character  of  William  I. — The  Count's 
interview  with  the  Prince  of  Orange — The 
Prince's  comment  concerning  the  King  .  151 

XXIII. — The  King  prepares  for  the  attack  on  Brussels — 
Prince  Frederick  and  General  Chasse — Civil 
war  at  Brussels — The  Prince  of  Orange  at 
Antwerp — The  members  of  the  King's  minis- 
try— The  uselessness  of  the  Prince  of  Orange's 
mission  at  Antwerp — The  Prince's  letter  to 
Mercy  Argenteau — Suspicion  regarding  the 
activities  of  the  Count — His  letter  to  the 
Prince — The  question  of  tlie  Prince's  election 
as  King  of  Belgium — The  relations  between 
the  King  and  his  son — The  Prince  of  Orange 
leaves  for  England  and  is  stripped  of  all  his 
titles  by  the  King.  .  .  .  .  .155 


CONTENTS 


XXIV. — Activities  of  the  Conference  at  London — Conver- 
sations of  Prince  Talleyrand  with  the  Prince 
of  Orange — King  William  resists  the  recogni- 
tion of  Belgium  by  the  London  Conference — 
Talleyrand's  policy  directed  towards  the 
neutrality  and  inviolability  of  Belgium — 
Connection  between  the  revolution  in  Belgium 
and  the  revolution  in  France — The  Duke  of 
Wellington — The  memoirs  of  Count  Van  der 
Duyn 167 

XXV. — The  eighteen  articles  of  the  Conference  at 
London — King  William  refuses  to  recognize 
them — The  King's  negligence  of  the  arts  and 
his  interest  in  commerce  and  finance — The 
views  of  the  Prince  of  Orange — The  Prince's 
character  and  manners,  and  his  courage  at  the 
Battle  of  Waterloo  .  .  .  .  .181 

XXVI. — Mercy  Argenteau's  visit  to  King  William  in 
1835 — His  later  and  final  meeting  with  the 
King — King  William  at  last  agrees  to  recog- 
nize the  Kingdom  of  Belgium — Mercy  A  rgen- 
teau  thereupon  resigns  his  office  as  Grand 
Chamberlain  to  the  Dutch  King — Cordial 
farewell  between  the  King  and  the  Count — 
Mercy  A  rgenteau's  views  of  the  benefits  con- 
ferred by  King  William  on  the  Netherlands 
— Prince  Leopold  of  Saxe  Coburg,  King  of 
the  Belgians — His  wisdom  and  ability — 
The  debt  of  Belgium  to  King  Leopold  .  .187 

APPENDIX— Royal  Message  of  William  I  .          .197 

Circular  Letter  of  Minister  Van  Maanen .     209 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAGE 

LE  COMTE  FLORIMOND  DE  MERCY  ARGENTEAU  Frontispiece 
From  the  miniature  by  Vestier. 

TALLEYRAND    ........        vi 

Line,  engraved  by  Thomson,  painted  by  F.Gerard. 

FACSIMILE  OF  TITLEPAGE  OF  THE  MERCY  ARGENTEAU 

MANUSCRIPT      .......      xxx 

KING  WILLIAM  I  OF  THE  NETHERLANDS        ...       20 
Line  engraving.     From  the  "Collection  Meyer." 

ALEXANDER  OF  RUSSIA 54 

Stipple,  engraved  by  Bourgeois  de  la  Richardiere, 
painted  by  Auguste  Desnoyers. 

Louis  PHILIPPE 88 

Line,  engraved  by  Auguste  Bridoux,  painted  by 
Winterhalter 

FACSIMILE  OF  A  PORTION  OF  NAPOLEON'S  OWN  MAP  OF 

THE  NETHERLANDS     ......     122 

THE  PRINCE  CF  ORANGE  ......     160 

Mezzotint,  engraved  by  Charles  Turner,  painted 
by  J.  S.  Copley. 

THE  DUKE  OF  WELLINGTON 172 

Mezzotint,  engraved  by  Charles  Turner,  painted 
by  Bauzet. 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


PACE 

Louis  XVIII 180 

Stipple,  engraved  and  painted  by  Benoist 

KING  LEOPOLD  I 194 

Line,  engraved  by  Gustave  Levy,  painted  by 

Winterhalter. 

The  portraits  of  Alexander  of  Russia,  the  Prince  of  Orange, 
the  Duke  of  Wellington,  and  Louis  X  VIII  are  from  engravings 
in  the  notable  collection  of  Napoleona  belonging  to  Mr.  Sidney 
G.  Reilly,  to  whom  the  Editor  takes  pleasure  in  making  acknow- 
ledgment for  his  courtesy.  He  would  also  thank  Mr.  Edmond 
Bonaveniure  for  the  portrait  of  Louis  Philippe.  The  other 
engravings  and  the  miniature  by  Vestier  are  from  the  Editor's 
own  collection. 


The  Events  of  1830 


IT  is  my  desire  to  relate  my  recollections 
of  the  events  which  took  place  in  1830, 
in  the  Southern  provinces  of  the  Kingdom 
of  the  Netherlands,  established  in  1815; 
and  of  the  circumstances  which  contributed 
most  to  bringing  about  those  events;  and 
this,  by  co-ordinating  notes  that  I  wrote  at 
different  periods,  and  by  recalling  the  seri- 
ous talks  I  was  privileged  to  have  had,  on 
particular  occasions,  with  King  William  I. 

But,  first  of  all,  in  order  to  have  a  just 
idea  of  the  state  of  the  public  mind  and  the 
conditions  of  affairs  at  Brussels  in  1830,  I 
must  go  further  back  with  my  narrative. 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


I  had,  but  a  short  time  before,  towards  the 
end  of  September,  1829,  returned  from  a 
sojourn  of  some  three  years  in  Italy. 

The  King,  wishing  to  give  me  a  proof  of 
his  esteem  and  good-will,  had,  in  the  latter 
part  of  December  of  that  year,  bestowed 
upon  me  the  Grand  Cross  of  his  Order  of 
the  Lion  of  the  Netherlands. 

I  was  staying  alone  at  the  Chateau  de 
Vierset,  busy  in  arranging  my  affairs,  while 
the  members  of  my  family  were  establishing 
themselves  at  Paris,  where  they  were  going 
to  pass  the  winter. 

Prevented  by  the  heavy  snows  in  the 
roads  from  reaching  The  Hague,  I  wrote 
to  the  Grand  Marshal,  Comte  de  Reede, 
asking  him  to  be  so  kind  as  to  apprize  the 
King  of  my  gratitude;  and,  in  this  letter, 
(which  I  knew  would  be  seen  by  His 
Majesty,)!  was  careful  to  insert  the  following 
phrase:  "This  high  favor,  which  the  King 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


is  pleased  to  grant  me,  is  all  the  more  pre- 
cious to  me,  in  that  I  like  to  regard  it  as  a 
proof  of  the  justice  with  which  His  Majesty 
is  graciously  willing  to  regard  my  opinions." 
For  several  years  we  had  not  always 
agreed  on  measures  that  the  King  deemed 
necessary  to  adopt,  under  pretext  of  con- 
ciliating the  discontented  factions  in  the 
Southern  provinces.  These  measures  had 
to  do  with  laws  regarding  animals;  the  use 
of  the  Dutch  language  in  all  public  decrees; 
the  establishment  of  a  College  of  Philo- 
sophy, patterned  on  the  principles  of  the 
General  Seminary  founded  by  Emperor 
Joseph  II;  etc.  When  I  was  Governor  of 
Brabant,  I  had  even  been  so  bold  as  to 
take  upon  myself  the  task  of  sending  the 
King  a  Memorandum  on  the  occasion  of  the 
decree  rendering  the  usage  of  the  Dutch 
language  obligatory  in  the  Southern  pro- 
vinces. I  sought  to  show  him  that  neither 

3 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


Charles  the  Fifth,  nor  Philip  II,  nor  Maria 
Theresa  had  ever  thought  of  attempting 
anything  similar;  that  Charles  the  Fifth's 
act  of  abdication  had  been  read  aloud  in 
French,  in  the  Grand  Hall  of  the  City  Hall 
at  Brussels;  that  all  correspondence  under 
Philip  II  had  been  written  in  French;  that 
the  judgments  which  had  condemned  to 
death  the  Prince  of  Orange,  and  the  Comtes 
d'Egmont  and  de  Home  had  been  rendered 
in  French;  that  Maria  Theresa  had  estab- 
lished a  Chair  of  French  at  the  University 
of  Lou  vain;  that  the  administrative  corre- 
spondence under  the  Austrian  government 
had  always  been  in  French;  and  that  Napo- 
leon himself,  and  likewise  that  Louis  XIV, 
had  never  demanded  that  the  Alsatians 
should  give  up  the  German  language  in 
their  public  and  judiciary  acts. 


II 


I  HAD  not  pleased  the  King,  in  putting 
into  his  hands,  in  1818,  a  work  for  which  I 
had  not  been  asked;  and  the  usage  of  the 
Dutch  language  was  made  obligatory  in  all 
public  acts. 

A  little  later  I  begged  the  King  to  permit 
me  to  resign  my  office  as  Governor 

His  Majesty  wished  to  nominate  me  for 
membership  in  the  First  Chamber  of  the 
States-General,  but  I  was  not  of  requisite 
age.  He  substituted  for  this  appointment 
that  of  State  Councillor  in  Ordinary  Ser- 
vice. I  did  not  accept  this,  expressing  my 
desire  to  confine  myself,  thenceforth,  to 
my  post  as  Grand  Chamberlain,  if  that 
were  agreeable  to  the  King;  but  I  did  not 
delay  offering  my  resignation  from  my 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


position  at  Court,  when  I  saw  that  the  King 
was  persisting  in  following  a  wrong  course 
wherein,  from  my  point  of  view,  he  was 
becoming  more  and  more  involved;  and 
as  I  was  confident  that  the  first  important 
political  event  in  Europe  would  directly 
affect  him. 

His  consideration  towards  me  increased 
despite  my  opposition  to  his  ideas;  and 
when,  at  the  beginning  of  1830,  I  went  to 
The  Hague  to  thank  him  for  the  Grand 
Ribbon  of  the  Order  of  the  Lion  of  the 
Netherlands  (which  I  had  just  received),  the 
King  said  to  me,  reverting  to  the  phrase 
that  I  have  just  quoted  from  my  letter: 
"Yes,  Monsieur  le  Comte,  you  can  and 
you  ought  to  regard  this  decoration,  which 
I  am  delighted  to  see  you  wearing,  as  a 
proof  of  the  justice  with  which  I  regard 
your  opinions." 


Ill 


I  SET  out  for  The  Hague,  snow  and  the 
frozen  rivers  notwithstanding ;  and,  at  Brus- 
sels, chance  brought  me  together  with  the 
Internuncio,  Monseigneur  Cappacini,  bound 
for  the  same  destination.  We  continued 
our  journey  together,  in  the  coupe  of  a  dili- 
gence, reserved  for  us  two.  This  service 
had  been  organized  for  those  periods  when 
the  rivers,  closed  by  ice,  rendered  crossing 
in  coaches  impossible.  Diligences  were, 
in  these  cases,  changed  at  each  crossing  of 
the  river,  thus  rendering  communication 
between  the  two  great  divisions  of  the 
Kingdom  very  difficult. 

I  was  happy  to  have  this  distinguished 
prelate  as  a  travelling  companion,  both 
because  of  his  affable  character,  and  his 

7 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


intelligence  and  great  skilfulness  in  all 
matters.  He  had  been  a  pupil  of  Cardinal 
Consalvi.  A  keen  and  trained  observer, 
he  was  a  man  who  thoroughly  understood 
the  countries  to  which  he  had  been  sent — 
their  needs,  their  instincts,  the  officers  of 
his  own  Government  (as  well  as  of  the 
Government  to  which  he  was  accredited). 
Monseigneur  Cappacini  had  for  twelve  years 
performed  the  functions  of  Internuncio, 
alternately  at  Brussels  and  The  Hague. 
The  particular  object  of  this  prelate,  being, 
at  that  time,  to  put  into  execution  the 
articles  of  the  new  Concordat  recently 
signed  at  Rome,  (and  whose  introduction 
had  met  with  difficulties  from  the  Govern- 
ment,) Monseigneur  Cappacini  was  the 
man  to  conquer  these  difficulties,  if  con- 
quered they  could  be.  But  the  Govern- 
ment, I  must  admit,  showed  ill-will  and 
was  not  acting  in  good  faith;  so  that  Pope 

8 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


Pius  VIII  complained  to  me,  in  a  special 
audience  which  His  Holiness  did  me  the 
honor  to  grant,  and  of  which  I  shall  pre- 
sently speak. 

Evidently  we  were  approaching  a  crisis. 
If  the  King  persevered  in  the  system  of 
government  which  he  had  adopted,  and 
which  could  be  denned  in  no  way,  (for, 
speaking  properly,  it  was  neither  constitu- 
tional, nor  representative,  since  there  was 
no  ministerial  responsibility  to  the  Cham- 
bers; the  election  to  the  States-General 
was  procured  by  the  States-Provinces,  and 
through  an  excess  of  incoherence,  the  Con- 
stitution did  not  permit  the  Royal  Power 
to  dissolve  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  ex- 
cept under  the  name  of  the  Second  Cham- 
ber of  the  States-General) — it  was  evident, 
I  say,  to  the  eyes  of  every  thinking  person, 
that  the  first  revolutionary  movement  aris- 
ing in  a  neighboring  country,  would  soon 

9 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


re-act  upon  our  land,  overthrowing  us  who 
had  been  unable  to  fasten  our  roots  into 
the  soil,  and  who  had  laid  no  foundation  in 
a  Kingdom  of  recent  formation,  composed 
of  two  very  distinct  nationalities,  separated 
as  greatly  by  religion,  customs,  language 
and  habits,  as  by  the  arm  of  the  dividing 
sea. 

This  does  not  mean,  let  us  note,  that 
under  other  governmental  and  legislative 
conditions,  these  two  States,  reunited,  yet 
separated  as  far  as  administration  was 
concerned,  could  not  alone  have,  under  the 
same  King,  existed  perfectly  well  together, 
but  could  also  have  constituted  a  prosperous 
and  happy  entity,  endowed  with  richness 
of  soil,  with  industries  developed  to  the 
highest  degree  of  power,  and  with  enor- 
mous financial  resources,  sustained  by  great 
trade  and  wealthy  colonies. 

Yes,  the  Kingdom  of  the  Netherlands, — 

10 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


as  it  had  been  constituted  by  the  Treaty  of 
Vienna  in  1815, — might  have  been  called 
to  play  an  important  part  in  Europe  under 
a  capable  and  enlightened  government;  and 
the  central  position  that  it  occupies  on  the 
map  of  Europe  should,  quite  naturally,  have 
made  it  a  gage  of  peace,  for  all  the  Great 
Powers  would  have  been  interested  in  its 
conservation. 

While  we  were  wheeling  along  at  night 
over  the  rough  and  deserted  road  from 
Antwerp  to  Breda,  Monseigneur  Cappacini 
and  I  resumed  this  sad  topic  of  earlier 
conversations.  Day  began  to  dawn  as  we 
arrived  at  the  passage  over  the  Moerdyck. 
We  left  our  diligence  there,  and  crossed  on 
a  frail  bark,  which  manoeuvred  about  be- 
tween the  pieces  of  ice,  so  that  it  took  us 
no  less  than  two  hours  to  make  this  crossing. 
On  the  other  side,  we  awaited  another 
public  vehicle  which  was  to  take  us  to  the 


ii 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


passage  of  the  Meuse,  in  front  of  Rotterdam. 
The  Meuse,  at  this  point,  reaches  its  great- 
est width  and  is  called  the  Wahal.  It  was 
still  covered  with  thick  ice  which  we  tra- 
versed on  foot ;  although  not  without  trouble, 
and  with  even  some  danger,  for  it  had 
commenced  to  thaw,  and  we  were  the  last 
who  were  allowed  to  cross  on  foot. 


IV 


AFTER  our  arrival  at  The  Hague,  Mon- 
seigneur  Cappacini  and  I  frequently  sought 
each  other,  and  often  met.  Unfortunately, 
we  had  only  sad  presentiments  and  grievous 
thoughts  to  exchange;  and  our  distressing 
journey  (of  a  kind  unimaginable  nowadays) 
added  to  our  unpleasant  forebodings  con- 
cerning the  approaching  dissolution  of  these 
Provinces,  which  Nature,  it  would  seem, 
had,  in  truth,  not  formed  for  a  life  of  union. 

I  found  the  King  in  quite  another  mood 
than  that  in  which,  several  months  earlier, 
I  had  left  him  at  Brussels. 

The  truth  is,  that  a  revolutionary  move- 
ment seemed  to  threaten  the  Southern  Pro- 
vinces, and  that  there  was  prevalent  there 
a  great  discontent,  maintained  by  the  peti- 

13 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


tion  on  the  subject  of  public  instruction. 
The  King  seemed  willing  to  enter  upon  a 
course  of  concession  and  conciliation,  but 
he  did  not  know  how  to  decide  upon  any- 
thing. 

I  have  said  elsewhere  that  the  King,  in 
my  opinion,  had  not  always  acted  with 
fairness,  and  that  two  years  earlier  I  had 
even  been  led  to  resign  my  post  of  Grand 
Chamberlain,  a  resignation  which  His  Maj- 
esty was  unwilling  to  accept.  Having  been 
called  to  The  Hague  at  that  time,  the  King, 
in  conferring  with  me,  had  gone  to  the  length 
of  saying:  "Think  this  over  carefully.  If 
you  persist  in  your  resolve  to  leave  me,  under 
these  circumstances  in  which  we  find  our- 
selves, you  are  going  to  place  me  in  the 
wrong  in  the  opinion  of  those  already  very 
hostile  to  me  at  Brussels  and  in  the  neigh- 
boring provinces." 

This  strange  avowal  made  it  impossible 
14 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


for  me  to  insist  further;  but  I  profited  by 
the  occasion  to  enlarge  on  the  difficulties 
that  he  was  creating  for  himself,  unless  he 
changed  his  system  of  government. 

The  King  then  reproached  me,  because 
I  had  reached  the  age  requisite  for  admis- 
sion to  the  First  Chamber  of  the  States- 
General,  and  yet  persisted  in  my  wish  not 
to  become  a  member.  I  told  him  that  my 
refusal  was  due  to  the  fact  that  as  his 
Government  was  not  a  parliamentary  one, 
with  ministerial  responsibility,  I  could  not, 
in  my  position  of  Grand  Officer  of  his 
Household,  and  with  my  views  contrary  to 
his  on  so  many  points  in  connection  with 
the  administration,  (as  he  was  perfectly 
well  aware) — I  could  not,  I  said,  accept  a 
post  which  would  place  me  in  the  position 
of  having  to  oppose  in  the  name  of  the  King, 
in  the  mornings,  at  the  Tribune,  a  project 
of  law  presented  by  his  irresponsible  Minis- 
is 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


ters,  and  of  coming,  at  evening,  to  take 
my  place  at  His  Majesty's  table,  in  my 
capacity  of  Grand  Chamberlain. 

"In  England,"  I  went  on  to  say,  "a 
Grand  Officer  of  the  Crown,  if  the  party  to 
which  he  belongs  is  no  longer  in  power, 
resigns  from  his  Court  position.  Does 
Your  Majesty  insist  that  I  should  become 
a  member  of  the  First  Chamber  of  the 
States-General?  In  that  case,  Your 
Majesty  will  accept  my  resignation  from 
the  post  of  Grand  Chamberlain;  and  all  will 
be  well.  I  shall  then  be  free  to  defend  my 
opinions  at  the  Tribune,  without  fearing 
personal  offence  to  the  King;  and  Your 
Majesty  knows  that,  since  1825,  our  re- 
spective opinions,  as  regards  the  Govern- 
ment, have  never  been  in  accord — so,  rather, 
do  not  nominate  me  for  membership  in 
the  First  Chamber,  but  permit  me — as  you 
have  often  hitherto — to  continue  to  offer 

16 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


opposition,  at  times,  in  your  private  study, 
in  maintaining  my  high  office  of  Grand 
Chamberlain."  Whereupon,  the  King  re- 
plied, "Since  you  feel  this  way  about  it, 
let  us  remain  as  we  are." 
And  thus  it  was  to  be. 


ALTHOUGH  I  had  been  at  The  Hague 
several  days,  His  Majesty  had  not  yet 
found  opportunity  to  talk  with  me  about 
recent  events  at  Brussels,  and  what  was 
brewing  elsewhere.  His  Majesty  was  ever 
obstinately  bent  on  regarding  the  commo- 
tion of  public  spirit  at  Brussels  merely  as 
agitation  attributable  more  or  less  to  ill-will. 

At  last  the  day  was  appointed,  and  I  pre- 
sented myself  at  an  early  hour  in  the  King's 
study  where  he  was  awaiting  me.  After 
having  invited  me  to  be  seated  at  his  table, 
which  was  loaded  with  documents,  the 
King  thus  began  the  conversation: 

"I  wish  you  to  tell  me  clearly  and  very 
frankly  your  opinion  of  the  situation  in 

which   we   find   ourselves,   particularly  at 

il 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


Brussels.  I  wish  to  rely  on  what  you  are 
going  to  tell  me.  Here  I  find  myself  tossed 
about  among  all  parties;  in  your  Southern 
provinces,  it  is  the  Catholics  who  pretend 
that  their  rights  are  injured  and  their 
liberty  trampled  upon ;  here  in  the  Northern 
provinces,  it  is  something  else;  and  these 
opinions  are  always  in  opposition.  I  no 
longer  know  where  I  stand,  or  what  I  should 
do." 

"Sire,  you  place  me  in  great  embarrass- 
ment. I  must  return  to  the  origin  of  the 
evil,  and  attack  the  very  principles  of  your 
Government ; — those,  most  particularly, 
which  you  have  put  in  practice  since  1825. 
But  in  order  to  do  this,  I  have  need  of  great 
liberty  of  speech  so  that  I  may  be  able  to 
express  my  thoughts  well;  and  I  fear,  Sire, 
that  my  phrases  may  not  always  be  as 
measured  as  I  should  wish  them  to  be. 
However,  you  may  be  assured  that  I  shall 

19 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


not  reach  the  point  of  forgetting  where  I  am, 
and  in  whose  presence  I  have  the  honor  to 
speak." 

"Mon  Dieu!  don't  restrain  yourself  in 
the  least,"  answered  the  King,  with  a 
slightly  sardonic  smile  that  often  played 
about  his  lips;  "I  am  not  spoiled,  I  assure 
you,  especially  since  that  time  when  every 
kind  of  accusation  was  addressed  to  me  in 
pamphlets  and  newspapers  in  opposition 
to  my  supposed  projects  of  making  the 
Southern  provinces  Protestant;  and  what 
not  besides!  Speak,  and  speak  freely;  I 
know  you  well  enough  never  to  doubt  your 
intentions." 

I  had  named  1825  as  the  point  of  depar- 
ture in  the  fatal  path  upon  which  the  King 
had  entered.  From  this  period  dated,  first, 
the  founding  of  the  College  of  Philosophy, 
and  secondly,  the  law  regarding  public 
instruction,  both  of  which  acts  were  op- 


20 


GUII.I.AUME  GEOHGK  FRJBUBIIiiC 


/:s  />  i  >  s  -/j  is, 

<//'r//K/-  f  v '/"/:/ •<"/(••/£••/  v/'X'^'x'  (/<•    /////, >ff  /xx'.  /      ' 


fia    vvitttasn   of  Mie 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


posed  by  preponderant  opinion  in  the  South- 
ern provinces,  and  against  which,  the  clergy, 
headed  especially  by  Monseigneur  Van 
Bommel,  had  strenuously  protested.  Van 
Bommel,  a  Dutchman  by  birth,  had  just 
published  a  remarkable  work,  entitled  The 
Three  Chapters,  a  work  received  with  the 
fullest  approval  by  all  intelligent  men,  who 
desired  nothing  but  liberty  in  the  matter 
of  public  instruction.  In  this  respect  the 
work  was  perfectly  in  accord  with  the 
fundamental  law  of  the  land;  and  many- 
Protestant  attaches  at  the  Court — such  as*, 
the  Grand  Marshal,  Comte  de  Reede,  and 
Comte  Vanderduyn,  Grand  Master  of  the 
Queen's  Household,  to  whose  attention  I] 
brought  this  pamphlet, — heartily  approved- 
its  principles. 

The  King  had  carried  exclusion  in  the 
matter  of  public  instruction  to  such  an 
extent,  (and  this,  with  the  view  of  favoring 


21 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


the  State  colleges  and  schools,)  that  he 
had  relentlessly  closed  all  private  ecclesi- 
astic establishments,  even  the  schools  of 
the  Brothers  of  the  Christian  Doctrine, 
which  were  founded  in  France  and  else- 
where for  the  purpose  of  diffusing  morals 
among  the  people. 

Not  content  with  these  violent  and  ar- 
bitrary measures,  administered  as  only  the 
most  despotic  Government  could  possibly 
have  done,  the  King  had  gone  so  far  as  to 
issue  a  decree  in  which  he  declared  that 
every  young  man  who  had  pursued  his 
studies  in  a  foreign  country  was  unqualified 
to  exercise  any  public  function  in  the 
Netherlands;  a  measure  which,  according 
to  the  Fundamental  Law,  was  not  at  all 
within  the  Royal  Power. 

I  was  among  those  who  allowed  them- 
selves completely  to  disregard  this  decree. 
The  King  knew  that  my  two  sons  had  not 

22 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


attended  any  of  the  governmental  schools 
or  colleges;  and  that  they  were  in  Paris  at 
boarding-schools  connected  with  the  Uni- 
versity. He  merely  chose  not  to  speak  to 
me  of  this  matter.  One  day,  however, 
addressing  one  of  my  friends,  attached  to 
the  Court  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  he  said: 

"What  would  you  think,  Monsieur,  of 
a  man,  a  Grand  Officer  of  my  Household, 
who  allows  his  children  to  be  educated  in 
a  foreign  country?" 

The  gentleman,  to  whom  he  spoke — a 
man  of  spirit  and  rather  caustic — realizing 
to  whom  allusion  was  made,  replied  to  His 
Majesty: 

"Oh!  the  reason  would  appear  to  me  to 
be  quite  simple: — he  must  probably  have 
realized  that  the  education  is  better  there 
than  elsewhere." 

I  mention  this  fact  to  show  how  far  the 
aberration  (to  speak  plainly)  of  the  King's 

23 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


mind  had  spread,  in  connection  with  those 
despotic  measures  which  served  only  to 
alienate  thinking  men. 

Not  without  reason,  then,  in  wishing  to 
show  the  origin  of  the  causes  which  had 
contributed  most  to  lead  William  I  on  a 
path  which  would  without  fail  bring  him 
to  downfall,  did  I  hark  back  to  the  year 
1825.  That  year,  I  repeat,  marks  the 
origin  of  the  distrust,  the  disaffection  and 
the  troubles,  whence  revolution  was  soon 
to  spring. 

The  spirit  of  opposition  kept  on  increas- 
ing in  the  Second  Chamber  of  the  States- 
General.  The  decree  which  rendered  the 
usage  of  the  Dutch  tongue  obligatory  in  all 
public  acts  was  one  of  the  first  causes  of 
this  discontent.  I  reminded  the  King  on 
this  occasion,  of  the  work,  to  which  in  1817, 
when  I  was  Governor  of  the  Province  of 
South  Brabant,  I  had  devoted  myself  in 

24 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


order  to  divert  him  from  that  fatal  measure, 
a  measure  which  had  no  precedent  in  any 
of  the  former  governments,  and  which  ought 
absolutely  to  be  revoked. 


VI 


THE  King  felt  so  thoroughly  that  there 
was  nothing  else  to  be  done,  that,  already 
several  months  earlier,  he  had  signed  a 
decree  which  rendered  the  usage  of  the 
Dutch  language  optional;  and  a  second 
decree  which  similarly  made  optional,  at- 
tendance at  the  College  of  Philosophy,  an 
institution  whose  form  had  been  so  justly 
condemned,  especially  from  the  Catholic 
point  of  view. 

Here  is  the  place  to  relate  a  private  con- 
versation that  I  had  the  honor  to  have  with 
Pope  Pius  VIII,  at  the  time  of  my  depar- 
ture from  Rome,  in  1829.  His  Holiness 
spoke  to  me  with  great  moderation  and 
much  wisdom  concerning  the  reproaches 

which  he  had  addressed  to  the  Government 

26 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


of  the  King  of  the  Netherlands,  not  only 
regarding  the  instructions  of  the  Minister  of 
the  Interior,  in  reference  to  the  publica- 
tion of  the  Concordat,  but,  in  general, 
concerning  the  obstacles  imposed  upon  the 
exercise  of  religion,  and,  in  particular,  of 
the  system  adopted  in  1825,  regarding  the 
establishment  of  the  College  of  Philosophy 
at  Louvain,  and  the  matter  of  public 
instruction. 

"Let  us  speak  frankly,  Monsieur  le 
Comte,"  said  the  Holy  Father  to  me. 
"Under  Maria  Theresa  the  Belgians  led 
a  happy  life.  They  enjoyed  great  privi- 
leges, which  they  jealously  guarded.  Em- 
peror Joseph  II,  who  succeeded  her,  was 
the  first  to  violate  these  privileges,  and  in 
consequence  taught  the  Belgians  to  employ 
means  of  resistance  to  his  wrongful  will. 

' '  Let  us  admit  that  events  following  the 
accession  of  King  William  I  to  the  throne 

27 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


of  the  Netherlands,  and  particularly  those 
of  later  years,  have  been  little  conducive 
to  bringing  harmony  among  his  subjects. 
Controversy  has  arisen  on  the  question  of 
the  Fundamental  Law;  rights  are  being  dis- 
puted; complaints  made;  claims  advanced. 
On  the  other  side,  there  is  insistence  on 
not  making  any  concessions.  Distrust 
pervades  both  parties.  .  .  .  Whose  is  the 
fault?  .  .  .  For  the  last  three  years,  not 
an  act  has  been  proposed,  not  a  resolution 
adopted,  in  the  affairs  between  the  Con- 
cordat and  the  King  of  the  Netherlands, 
without  my  being  consulted.  My  prede- 
cessor, Leo  XII,  took  my  advice;  I  am 
conversant  with  the  whole  situation;  noth- 
ing is  unknown  to  me;  I  continue  the  work 
of  Leo  XII,  and — God  is  my  witness — I 
continue  it  in  good  faith.  But  with  what 
obstacles!  No  sooner  are  acts  signed  than 

there  is  a  circular  of  instructions  from  your 

28 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


Minister  of  the  Interior,  passed  from  hand 
to  hand,  which  threatens  to  destroy  all  that 
has  been  done.  For  his  object  is  to  retard 
the  publication  of  the  agreements  of  this 
Concordat;  while  the  King's  Ambassador 
here  is  commissioned  to  tell  me  how  happy 
the  King  is  at  this  important  act  which 
will  put  an  end  to  the  religious  dissensions 
throughout  the  land.  And  the  fact  is  that 
that  which  was  solemnly  promised  is  not 
carried  out.  Nevertheless,  I  am  asked  to 
name  Bishops.  I  say:  Fulfill  your  obliga- 
tions, and  I  will  nominate  them.  This  I 
do  not  do.  ...  Your  King  proposes  three 
of  his  subjects  for  Bishoprics;  they  are  men 
well  chosen;  I  lose  no  time  in  naming  them 
as  Bishops.  .  .  ,  Despite  that,  no  pro- 
gress is  made.  .  .  .  There  we  stop;  and  I 
still  await  the  fulfillment  of  agreements 
contracted  for,  signed." 

The  Pope  then  spoke  to  me  of  the  Prelate 
29 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


Cappacini,  whom  he  had  appointed  Inter- 
nuncio  at  Brussels  and  The  Hague.  The 
Holy  Father  spoke  very  highly  of  his  dis- 
tinguished talents,  his  cast  of  mind,  his 
uprightness  of  character  and  his  perfect 
intelligence  in  handling  affairs;  Monsieur 
Cappacini  was  trained,  added  the  Pope, 
under  the  direction  of  Cardinal  Consalvi, 
who  had  been,  the  Holy  Father  was  glad 
to  say,  one  of  his  own  intimate  friends. 

"Well!"  continued  His  Holiness,  in  a 
more  animated  tone,  ' '  Monseigneur  Cap- 
pacini obtains  nothing.  ...  I  believed, 
as  did  my  predecessor,  that  I  could  rely 
on  the  word  of  a  King,  a  sacred  word  which 
should  ever  be  scrupulously  observed.  I, 
in  the  Chair  of  S*  Peter,  am  merely  the 
guardian  of  a  trust,  and  this  trust  is  the 
Faith,  the  Doctrine  of  the  Church.  Intact 
I  must  transmit  it;  I  cannot  let  it  be 
touched." 

30 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


The  Pope  then  came  to  speak  of  the 
College  of  Philosophy: — 

"There  may  be  some  good  points  to  this 
institution,"  His  Holiness  said,  "but  its 
form,  first  of  all,  is  bad :  it  offends  our  prin- 
ciples, and  therefore,  it  would  be  vain  to 
attempt  to  gain  my  consent  to  it.  ... 
The  King  has  been  very  ill  inspired.  There 
was  a  better  course  to  follow  than  the 
founding  of  his  College  of  Philosophy  on 
the  basis  of  the  General  Seminary  of  Em- 
peror Joseph  II.  He  could  have  quite 
simply  come  to  an  understanding  with  me, 
the  Head  of  the  Church,  concerning  the 
establishment  of  a  College  for  higher  eccle- 
siastical studies,  which  would  have  fur- 
nished a  great  capacity  for  usefulness; 
and  thus,  together,  we  could  have  done  a 
great  work." 

I  had  only  a  few  objections  to  suggest  to 
the  Holy  Father  during  the  course  of  this 

31 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


conversation,  which  it  was  my  duty  to 
report  to  the  King,  upon  my  return,  and 
which  contributed  somewhat,  I  believe,  to 
his  decree  by  virtue  of  which  attendance  at 
the  College  of  Philosophy  became  optional. 
This  was  tantamount  to  announcing  the 
suppression  of  his  earlier  decree. 


VII 

I  HAVE  already  said  that  the  King,  some 
two  months  previously,  had  signed  decrees 
rendering  optional  the  use  of  Dutch,  and 
attendance  at  the  College  of  Philosophy, — 
thus,  in  other  words,  annulling  his  former 
acts.  I  had  been  informed  of  this  by  the 
Minister  of  the  Interior,  Monsr  De  Lacoste, 
a  wise  and  enlightened  man,  who  urged  me 
to  use  all  my  efforts  in  influencing  the  King 
to  publish  these  decrees  which  he  was  still 
keeping  locked  up  in  his  desk. 

Wherefore  this  resistance  to  vows  so 
sincerely,  so  solemnly  pronounced?  Why 
this  delay?  Why  not  gratify  those  wishes, 
whose  expediency  the  King  himself  had 
recognized,  inasmuch  as  he  had  signed  the 
decrees,  and  since  he  no  longer  had  any 

3  33 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


motive  for  keeping  them  as  private  docu- 
ments in  his  desk? 

Showing  him  that  I  was  informed  of  this 
fact,  I  begged  His  Majesty  no  longer  to 
delay  their  publication,  which  would  show 
his  willingness  to  make  just  concessions 
after  he  had  recognized  them  as  expedient, 
and  which  would  revive  hopes  from  other 
points  of  view.  But  his  reply  was  ever 
the  same: 

"I  shall  never  yield  in  the  face  of  cir- 
cumstances while  there  is  any  appearance 
of  a  demand  imposed  upon  me." 

This  was  not  the  first  time  that  such  a 
reply  had  been  made  to  me,  nor  was  it  the 
first  time  that  I  answered: 

"Granted,  Sire.  One  should  never  yield 
to  imperious  demands;  but  the  better  way 
to  avoid  finding  oneself  in  such  a  situa- 
tion is  to  foresee  it,  before  adopting  a 
measure  whose  issue  may  be  serious." 

34 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


With  the  Fundamental  Law  of  the  land 
as  their  weapon,  the  people  were  with 
full  right  demanding  liberty  in  public  in- 
struction. 


35 


VIII 

WE  were  at  the  end  of  February  of  1830, 
the  year  which  was  to  see  the  downfall  of 
the  Bourbons  in  France,  and  the  violent 
separation  of  Holland  from  the  ancient 
Belgian  provinces  which  had  been  annexed 
in  1815. 

I  was  planning  to  rejoin  my  family  at 
Paris.  Hearing  that  I  was  contemplating 
a  stay  at  Brussels,  where,  among  all  classes 
of  society,  great  disturbance  was  prevalent 
owing  to  the  petitions  relative  to  the  ques- 
tion of  public  instruction,  the  King  asked 
me  to  observe  events  closely,  and  to  report 
to  him  directly  concerning  the  state  of 
affairs  and  public  feeling.  In  our  last  con- 
versation at  The  Hague,  I  had  already 
opposed  his  manner  of  viewing  and  handling 

36 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


the  subject  of  this  petition,  which  was  only 
the  inherent  use  of  the  liberty  which  every 
man  has,  to  express  his  opinions  and  to  make 
known  his  wishes.  From  this  point  of  view, 
I  expressed  my  regret  at  having  seen  the 
King  adopt  severe  measures  against  certain 
persons  of  high  rank  who  should  have  been 
warned  by  me,  in  obedience  to  the  King's 
commands,  and  in  my  position  as  Grand 
Chamberlain,  to  refrain  from  presenting 
themselves  at  Court. 

In  the  early  part  of  March,  before  I 
left  The  Hague,  the  King,  through  his 
Minister  of  the  Interior,  had  informed  me 
of  his  intention  of  appointing  me  President 
of  the  Commission  at  the  Exposition  of  the 
Products  of  National  Industry,  about  to 
be  held  at  Brussels.  To  this  appointment 
he  attached  great  importance;  and  I  had 
replied  that  I  was  at  His  Majesty's  service. 
At  the  moment  of  my  departure,  the  King 

37 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


graciously  desired  to  thank  me  for  what 
His  Majesty  called  the  co-operation  which 
I  had  been  kindly  willing  to  grant  him  in 
these  circumstances. 

After  my  arrival  at  Brussels,  I  took  steps 
to  occupy  myself  seriously  in  the  important 
matter  of  those  days — the  petition — and  to 
carry  out  the  intentions  of  the  King  to  the 
best  of  my  ability.  Everyone  there  was 
ardently  interested  in  the  question  of  public 
instruction;  I  met  many  people  who  were 
in  a  position  to  give  me  the  most  reliable 
and  exact  information;  and  I  was  soon 
entirely  convinced  of  the  necessity  of  ad- 
vising the  King  to  use  means,  as  soon  as 
possible,  of  putting  a  stop  to  the  existing 
state  of  affairs,  and  of  calming  a  disturbance 
that  was  steadily  increasing. 

In  the  special  report  that  I  hastened 
to  submit  to  His  Majesty,  I  tried,  as  best 
I  could,  to  picture  the  situation  to  the  King 

38 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


in  its  true  colors,  without  exaggeration, 
but  in  such  way  as  to  make  an  impression 
upon  his  mind.  I  was  convinced  that  it 
was  necessary,  at  all  cost,  and  without 
further  delay,  to  make  notable  modifica- 
tions in  the  existing  system  of  Government. 
I  wished,  first  of  all,  to  go  to  the  very 
bottom  of  things,  and,  above  all,  to  force 
into  the  King's  mind  the  idea  that  a  useful 
reform,  to  be  successfully  carried  out,  would 
have  to  be  radical ;  that  half-way  measures 
would  serve  no  purpose,  partial  concessions 
would  appease  no  one,  and  would  hardly 
soothe  the  agitation;  on  the  contrary,  they 
would  but  serve  to  encourage  new  demands. 
I  therefore  asked  the  immediate  withdrawal 
of  the  law  concerning  public  instruction, 
as  the  only  means  of  putting  an  immediate 
stop  to  the  petition;  and  the  publication 
forthwith  of  the  royal  decree,  granting  the 
option  of  using  the  French  language  in 

39 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


public  acts,  as  a  just  satisfaction  of  the 
pressing  demands  of  the  Southern  provinces, 
so  considerable  a  part  of  the  Kingdom  of 
the  Netherlands.  Then  frankly  approach- 
ing considerations  of  another  order,  I  tried 
to  show  the  necessity  of  establishing  what 
would  constitute  really  a  representative 
Government, — ministerial  responsibility  to 
the  Chambers.  Such  ministerial  respon- 
sibility, in  all  acts  of  Government,  would 
be  the  only  means  of  protecting  Royalty 
in  times  of  trouble. 

I  begged  the  King  to  note  that  the  omis- 
sion in  the  Constitution  of  the  right  to 
dissolve  the  Legislative  Chambers  (a  right 
which  should  always  be  inherent  in  royal 
power)  was  a  regrettable  lack,  placing 
Royalty  in  permanent  and  imminent  danger ; 
and  I  gave  the  following  as  a  striking  ex- 
ample: the  right  to  elect  members  of  the 

Second    Chamber    of    the    States-General 

40 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


belonged  to  the  States-Provinces  that  were 
elected  by  those  who  had  paid  taxes  which 
qualified  them  to  vote. 

"Your  Majesty  surely  knows,"  I  added, 
"that  in  the  Southern  provinces  the  spirit 
of  opposition  is  gaming  ground  each  year, 
and,  as  a  consequence,  dominates  the  elec- 
tion of  deputies  to  the  Second  Chamber  of 
the  States-General.  As  the  elections  to 
the  States- Provinces  are  similarly  made, 
it  is  easy  to  see,  how  before  long,  the  day 
is  coming  when  the  forces  of  opposition  in 
the  States-Provinces  will  pass  over  into 
the  rank  of  the  Second  Chamber  of  the 
States- General;  and  as  the  King  has  not 
the  power  to  dissolve  the  Legislative  Cham- 
bers, one  asks:  What  will  happen? — One  of 
two  things,  whose  consequences  will  be 
inevitable:  The  royal  power  must  either 
bend  before  the  superlative  power  of  the 
opposition,  (and  this  will  be  the  triumph  of 

41 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


radicalism,  if  we  follow  the  down-hill 
path) ; — or  the  royal  power  will  be  able  to 
extricate  itself  only  by  a  very  dangerous 
method — that  which  is  called  a  coup  d'etat." 


IX 


As  soon  as  my  letter  was  despatched  I 
set  out  for  Paris.  I  had  kept  a  copy  of  it, 
and  this  I  hastened  to  bring  to  the  atten- 
tion of  General  Robert  Fagel,  Envoy  Extra- 
ordinary and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of 
the  King  of  the  Netherlands.  He  thanked 
me  for  it.  General  Baron  Fagel,  my  old 
friend,  was  a  man  of  spirit,  wise,  capable, 
impartial  and  deeply  devoted  to  King  Wil- 
liam I,  whose  mistakes,  however,  he  de- 
plored. He  thanked  me  profusely  for  having 
used  such  firm  and  truthful  language,  which 
he  judged  was  of  a  nature  to  make  an  impres- 
sion on  the  King;  although  he  did  not  con- 
ceal his  fear  that  my  words  might  have  no 
result  on  the  King's  indecision  of  spirit,  whose 
blindness  the  General  so  much  regretted. 

43 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


The  situation  in  France,  was,  at  this  time, 
becoming  threatening,  although  this  was 
perceived  by  only  a  small  number  of  men 
accustomed  to  reflect  in  a  dispassionate 
manner,  free  from  that  party  spirit  which 
ever  leads  people  astray. 

There  were  only  two  men  in  the  foreign 
diplomatic  service  at  Paris  who  foresaw 
the  danger  hovering  over  the  throne  and 
society.  Nor  were  they  able  to  understand 
the  danger,  but  they  had  suspicion  of  what 
it  was,  and  were  computing  beforehand  its 
serious  consequences. 

One  of  these  was  the  Russian  Ambas- 
sador, Pozzo  di  Borgo,  (a  Corsicanby  birth,) 
and  a  shrewd  man  of  brilliant  mind.  He 
had  been  a  member  of  the  Assembly  of  the 
States-General  in  France;  later,  on  becom- 
ing an  Emigr6,  he  had  lived  a  long  time 
at  Vienna,  which  he  left  to  enter  the  Rus- 
sian service.  He  had  become  a  Lieu- 

44 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


tenant-General,  and,  later,  Ambassador  to 
Paris. 

The  other  was  the  Prussian  Minister, 
Baron  von  Werther,  a  clear-visioned  and 
intelligent  man,  somewhat  rough  in  his 
manners,  yet  having  that  penetrating 
glance  which  comes  from  knowledge  of  men 
and  affairs,  coupled  with  that  power  of 
observation  which  foresees  events  and  their 
import. 


45 


X 


ON  arriving  at  Paris,  I  asked  permission 
(in  accordance  with  custom)  to  present 
myself  to  the  King.  Charles  X  had  known 
my  family,  especially  Comte  Florimond  de 
Mercy  Argenteau,  (my  relative,)  who  had 
for  twenty-five  years  been  the  Austrian 
Ambassador  to  France,  and  who  had  pre- 
sided at  the  marriage  of  Marie  Antoinette 
to  Louis  XVI,  then  Dauphin.  Towards 
Count  Florimond  the  unfortunate  Princess 
had  shown  almost  daughterly  affection 
and  unlimited  confidence,  to  which  my 
relative  responded  with  entire  devotion. 
The  numerous  autograph  letters  from  the 
unfortunate  Queen,  (which  I  had  the  good 
luck  4  of  acquiring,  and  which  I  prize 

very  highly,)  are  full  of  the  most  touching 

46 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


and  honorable  evidences  of  this  relation- 
ship. 

The  King  always  received  me  with  great 
kindness  whenever  I  came  to  Paris,  and 
with  the  good-will  to  which  he  had  accus- 
tomed me. 

The  day  following  my  arrival,  I  was  in- 
vited to  the  Tuileries  for  a  special  audience, 
in  the  apartments  occupied  by  Charles  X. 

At  the  moment  that  the  door  of  his  salon 
was  opened,  the  King  approached  me  with 
especial  eagerness,  and  his  first  words  were: 

"I  am  charmed  to  see  you,  Monsieur  le 
Comte.  Your  King  has  at  last  become  a 
King!" 

Taken  unawares,  I  sought  for  a  moment 
to  fathom  the  meaning  of  the  King's  re- 
mark, and  soon  found  it  in  the  Message  to 
the  States-General,  on  the  IIth  of  Decem- 
ber, 1829,  in  which  King  William  declared 
that  to  him  alone  belonged  the  right  to 

47 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


interpret  the  Constitution,  and  that  from 
January  Ist,  1830,  every  officer  serving  in 
the  employ  of  the  Government  must  take 
his  oath  of  adherence  to  this  Royal  declara- 
tion, under  penalty  of  dismissal. 

This  was  a  sort  of  veritable  coup  d'etat, 
all  the  more  pleasing  to  King  Charles  X, 
as  he  was  then  contemplating  a  plan  which 
was  to  have  an  entirely  different  issue,  and 
of  which  no  one  as  yet  had  any  suspicion. 

Charles  X  seemed  to  draw  some  kind  of 
encouragement  from  this  act  of  William  I. 
I  could  not  immediately  understand  why; 
and  I  sought  to  be  enlightened  by  means 
of  the  reply  that  I  had  in  mind,  and  that 
I  made: 

"The  King  of  the  Netherlands,"  I  said, 
"will  always  know  how  to  defend,  with  the 
firmness  characteristic  of  his  principles  and 
his  nature,  all  that  appertains  and  belongs 

to  the  Royal  prerogative.    Your  Majesty 

48 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


can  be  sure  of  that.  But  at  the  same 
time,  the  King  will  never  consent  to 
have  this  authority  separated  from  in- 
stitutions which  have  become  the  Charters 
of  the  country  which  he  has  sworn  to 
defend." 

I  had  exactly  found  my  mark. 

At  these  last  words  of  mine,  the  King 
took  me  quickly  by  the  arm,  and  replied  in 
these  very  words: — 

"Understand  this,  Monsieur  le  Comte: 
there  are  two  things  which  can  no  longer 
continue  together.  One  of  them  will  suc- 
cumb. Royalty  is  menaced  everywhere 
and  on  all  sides.  I  am  here,  as  you  see, 
surrounded  by  enemies,  and  living  on  the 
edge  of  a  volcano.  This  position  cannot 
be  maintained  much  longer.  I  must  get  out 
of  it,  and  at  all  costs,  do  you  understand? 
Royal  power  must  recover  its  rights;  must 
free  itself  from  the  fetters  which  shackle  it. 

4  49 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


This  is  the  only  guarantee  of  the  return  of 
social  order." 

I  could  hardly  imagine  that  I  had  heard 
correctly;  that  the  blindness  of  prejudice 
could  go  so  far!  I  shivered  from  head  to 
foot.  .  .  .  His  words  were  a  flash  of 
light  for  me;  I  saw  only  too  well  what 
rashness  and  danger  they  contained; 
and  of  which  I  was  soon  to  receive  the 
proof. 

Struck  by  the  firmness  and  eagerness 
with  which  the  King  had  just  expressed 
himself,  and  by  his  determined  and  assured 
look,  I  remained  for  a  moment  silent  and 
dumbfounded. 

The  King,  noticing  this,  immediately 
continued: — 

"Yes,  what  I  have  told  you  is  true. 
What  you  call  Charter  and  Constitution 
are  not  in  accord  with  royal  power,  which 
is  a  thing  by  itself,  and  must  remain  so, 

50 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


for  the  safety  of  society,  which  without  it 
were  condemned  to  perish. 

"Royalty  is  being  attacked  everywhere, 
and  on  all  sides ;  I  have  said  this  before  and 
now  I  repeat  it:  we  must  free  ourselves 
from  this  situation  and  free  ourselves  at 
any  cost." 

There  could  be  no  further  doubt:  the 
coup  d'etat  had  been  planned  in  secret. 
And  this  secret  had  just  escaped  the  lips 
of  that  unfortunate  Prince,  with  whom  it 
had  become  a  fixed  idea. 

However,  I  still  wished  to  try  to  lead  the 
King's  thoughts  to  other  matters  which 
he  seemed  to  desire  to  disregard,  and  which 
bore  incontestably  the  stamp  of  truth. 
These  were  the  material  prosperity  of  the 
country,  the  great  progress  of  industry, 
and  the  consequent  well-being  apparent  to 
everyone.  I  added  my  own  observations 
to  those  of  which  I  was  merely  the  echo.  I 

51 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


said  that  in  crossing  through  a  large  section 
of  the  Departments  of  the  North,  I  had 
been  struck  with  the  general  prosperity 
of  the  country,  with  the  state  of  its  cultiva- 
tion; its  coal  mines;  its  industrial  estab- 
lishments in  which  a  multitude  of  persons 
were  engaged;  with  its  beet  sugar  manu- 
facturing yielding  a  large  product,  and 
quantities  of  fertilizer  that,  enriching  and 
deepening  the  soil,  added  materially  to  the 
selling  price  and  renting  value  of  the  land. 

The  King  let  me  speak  a  long  while 
without  interruption;  but  finally,  impatient 
with  an  argument  which  was  displeasing  to 
him,  stopped  me  suddenly  with  these  words : 

"You  deceive  yourself;  you  are  having 
illusions  about  the  true  state  of  affairs; 
you  are  seeing  only  the  surface  of  things, 
while  I  am  going  to  the  bottom  of  them.  It 
is  the  spirit  of  the  country  which  is  now 
being  corrupted;  the  very  foundation  of 

52 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


society  which  is  being  destroyed;  its  moral 
and  religious  principles  are  giving  way. 
Power  remains  without  prestige.  Where 
are  we  heading?  God  knows!  ...  I  am 
here  on  a  veritable  volcano,  as  I  have  al- 
ready told  you,  and  I  can  not  too  often 
repeat:  We  must  prevent  the  explosion, 
and  I  say  it  over  and  over  again,  at  all 
cost  we  must  extricate  ourselves!" 

The  conversation  continued  a  long  time 
in  this  vein.  Unequalled  were  my  aston- 
ishment and  consternation.  We  had  been 
standing  up  all  this  time,  the  King  very 
much  excited,  walking  up  and  down  the 
salon,  speaking  vehemently  and  with  very 
animated  gestures.  At  times  he  would 
come  close  to  me,  and  then  move  away  and 
stand  motionless,  leaning  against  the  mantel- 
piece, attentive,  surprised,  not  interrupting 
me,  and  only  throwing  in,  from  time  to 
time,  a  few  words  of  opposition,  words 

53 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


which  were  quite  fair  and  necessary  in  keep- 
ing up  the  discussion  that  was  becoming  of 
powerful  interest  and  of  serious  importance. 
Finally,  the  King  signified  that  the  audience 
was  ended,  and  told  me,  as  he  left,  that  he 
would  be  charmed  to  see  me  again. 

I  immediately  engaged  a  carriage  and 
drove  to  the  home  of  General  Fagel,  the 
Minister  of  the  Netherlands.  Great  was 
his  astonishment  when  he  heard  me  relate 
in  a  few  words  what  had  taken  place  in 
that  impressive  interview  from  which  I  had 
just  come.  He  urged  me  to  see  General 
Pozzo  di  Borgo,  the  soul  of  the  foreign 
diplomatic  corps  at  Paris,  who  was  at  that 
time  the  favorite  correspondent  of  the 
Emperor  Alexander.  I  had  known  General 
Pozzo  di  Borgo  for  a  long  time,  and  when 
he  learned  the  nature  of  the  matter  I  wished 
to  discuss,  he  hastened  to  make  an  appoint- 
ment for  the  following  day  at  his  home. 

54 


i    "v-          I  ' 

* 


XI 


I  HAD  let  him  know  that  my  main  object 
was  to  recount  to  him  all  that  had  occurred 
in  my  interview  the  previous  day  at  the 
Tuileries,  and  that,  as  I  was  about  to  leave 
for  Brussels,  I  wished  to  have  an  under- 
standing with  him  concerning  the  means 
of  being  of  service  to  the  King  of  the  Nether- 
lands, whom  I  was  to  meet  there. 

On  the  morrow,  the  Ambassador  awaited 
me  at  the  appointed  hour,  and  gave  instruc- 
tions that  no  one  should  be  admitted 
during  the  time  that  I  might  be  with  him. 

"I  shall  tell  you  all  I  know,"  said  the 
Count  to  me. 

His  face  showed  consternation  and  aston- 
ishment as  I  entered  into  all  the  details  of 
my  audience  with  the  King,  and  especially 

55 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


when  I  told  him  of  the  words  of  Charles  X. 
And  soon  a  sentiment  of  distress  followed 
that  of  astonishment  in  his  brilliant  and 
penetrating  mind,  when  I  came  to  relate 
those  words  which  betrayed  the  King's 
discouragement — the  allusions  to  the  dan- 
gers which  were  surrounding  Charles  X, 
and  the  necessity  he  found  of  extricating 
himself  from  the  situation  by  one  of  those 
vigorous  blows  that  are  termed  coups  d'etat. 
"What!"  cried Pozzo di Borgo.  "Did the 
King  say  this  to  you  ?  You  heard  these  words 
fall  from  his  lips.  .  .  .  But  he  has  never 
said  anything  like  it  to  anyone  before !  .  .  . 
Ah,  yes !  it  is  only  too  true  that  he  is  think- 
ing of  such  a  measure,  since  he  regards  it 
as  indispensable  to  his  safety.  He  will 
carry  out  this  coup  d'etat,  and,  in  so  doing, 
he  will  destroy  himself.  He  does  not  see 
one  thing,  this  unfortunate  King:  he  does 
not  understand  the  general  spirit  of  France. 

56 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


He  thinks  it  is  royalist,  while,  in  fact,  it  is 
left  centre." 

The  Ambassador  made  use  of  this  form 
of  expression  customary  in  the  Chamber  of 
Deputies,  to  distinguish  the  members  be- 
longing to  the  moderate  liberal  party,  who 
wished  a  constitutional  King, — a  King  and 
a  Charter. 

Recurring  to  the  subject  of  my  interview 
at  the  Tuileries,  the  Count  Pozzo  di  Borgo 
kept  on  repeating: 

"But  how  could  the  King  have  been  so 
reckless  as  to  speak  to  you  of  a  coup  d'etat 
while  he  has  denied  such  a  thought  to  every- 
one, and  to  me,  in  particular,  who  have 
spoken  of  it  to  him  many  times,  in  making 
him  cognizant  of  the  dangers  involved? 
And  now  he  tells  you  without  any  beating 
around  the  bush!  I  am  astounded,  and 
cannot  explain  it.  Ah  well!  Yes,  the 
King  will  try  this  move  and  it  will  destroy 

57 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


him.  Be  assured,"  Pozzo  continued,  "the 
Bourbons  are  doomed!  I  can  tell  you 
neither  the  day  nor  the  hour,  but  rest  as- 
sured, the  Bourbons  are  doomed;  and  tell 
your  King  that  it  is  I  who  predict  this; 
and  that  I  urge  him  to  be  greatly  on  his 
guard,  and  to  try  to  rally  round  him 
all  those  whom  he  has  displeased  and 
alienated." 

Count  Pozzo  di  Borgo  spoke  truly  when 
he  said  that  the  "left  centre"  represented 
the  majority  of  public  opinion  in  France; 
and,  on  this  point,  I  replied  to  him  by  citing 
these  significant  words  which  I  had  heard 
from  the  lips  of  a  man  of  great  intelligence, 
a  member  of  that  party.  He  had  said  to 
me: 

"The  Bourbons  believe  they  are  menaced 
by  us,  and  so  hold  us  in  suspicion ;  but  they 
deceive  themselves.  We  shall  never  attack 
them;  we  shall  not  even  threaten  them; 

58 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


but  they  of  their  own  accord  will  run  them- 
selves through  on  our  swords." 

"That's  very  true,"  said  the  Ambassador. 
"They  are  marching  with  lowered  heads 
in  the  paths  of  a  camarilla  that  surrounds 
them,  and  that  will  eventually  destroy 
them." 

The  Ambassador  then  went  into  details 
in  order  to  explain  to  me  how  complicated 
and  dangerous  the  situation  was  becoming. 
Suddenly  he  stopped,  and  passed  his  hand 
over  his  brow.  "Yes,"  he  went  on,  "be 
assured  that  the  Bourbons  are  lost;  they 
will  inevitably  be  overthrown.  We  are 
now,  perhaps,  on  the  very  brink  of  their 
downfall.  They  are  piling  up  error  upon 
error." 

"Speak  to  anyone  here,"  the  Ambassador 
continued;  "and  you  will  note  in  the  diplo- 
matic corps  that  it  is  not  alone  the  Prussian 
Minister  who  perceives  that  something  is 

59 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


in  the  air.  Speak  with  Baron  von  Werther 
before  you  leave;  he  will  tell  you,  with 
other  phrases,  the  same  things  that  I  have 
told  you.  And  now,  my  dear  Count,  the 
best  thing  you  can  do  is  to  go  to  warn 
your  King,  and  enlighten  him.  There  still 
is  time.  Speak  to  him  also  in  my  name; 
I  authorize  you  to  do  so.  Tell  him  you 
have  found  out  things  from  me  in  which 
you  concur;  and,  above  all,  advise  him  to 
satisfy,  as  soon  as  he  can,  the  minds  of  his 
subjects,  and  to  hold  himself  on  his  guard. 

"He  has  long  been  following  a  dangerous 
road.  He  must  now  abandon  it,  and  put 
a  stop  to  the  discontent  which  has  arisen 
from  his  recent  decrees." 

Returning  to  my  residence,  I  made  some 
hasty  memoranda.  My  only  thought  was 
to  leave  Paris  and  have  my  arrival  coincide 
at  Brussels  with  that  of  King  William.  I 

had,   the  previous  night,   seen  Baron  von 

60 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


Werther,  the  Prussian  Minister,  whose 
words  to  me  were  almost  identical  with 
those  of  the  Russian  Ambassador. 

It  was  about  the  i8th  or  2Oth  of  March. 
I  was  to  install  in  office  the  Commission 
of  the  Exposition,  of  which  the  King  had 
made  me  President;  to  organize  its  work; 
and  to  pay  the  honors  of  this  magnificent 
Exposition  to  the  King,  who  was  about  to 
arrive  at  Brussels.  My  object,  in  accepting 
the  honor  of  the  presidency  of  this  Commis- 
sion, (composed  as  it  was  of  eminent  men 
distinguished  in  the  world  of  commerce 
and  industry,)  had  been  to  add  to  the  sig- 
nificance of  this  undertaking,  and  to  take 
advantage  of  the  occasion  of  my  official 
report  to  the  King,  to  develop  means  of 
extending  our  commercial  relations  with 
foreign  countries,  especially  Germany.  In 
a  word,  I  desired  to  open  up  for  our 
industries  and  our  products  a  market 

61 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


which  might  include  forty  millions  of 
people. 

But  it  was  too  late. 

This  remarkable  Exposition  was  to  be 
the  swan  song  of  a  growing  prosperity  and 
of  a  political  state  which,  (whatever  one  may 
say,)  could  have  been  built  on  a  firm  founda- 
tion, despite  the  incompatibilities,  more 
apparent  than  real,  between  the  Belgians 
and  the  Dutch.  All  that  would  have  been 
necessary  was  to  have  administrative  sepa- 
ration between  the  Southern  and  Northern 
provinces,  ministerial  responsibility,  and 
complete  civil  and  religious  liberty. 

Indeed,  to  what  destinies  might  not  the 
Kingdom  of  the  Netherlands  have  attained? 
For  it  united  agricultural  wealth  to  that 
of  mineral  resources,  minerals  of  all  dif- 
ferent kinds;  the  advantages  accruing  from 
prosperous  colonies;  a  considerable  navy 

with  a  glorious  past;  and  an  army  grown 

62 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


to  include  three  hundred  thousand  men, 
Belgians  and  Dutch,  at  the  very  time  that 
the  Conference  of  London  was  considering 
the  means  of  establishing  a  neutral  kingdom 
of  Belgium,  between  France  and  Holland, 
the  latter  country  to  retain  the  name  of  the 
Kingdom  of  the  Netherlands. 

But  we  had  not  yet  reached  that  point. 
The  storm  could  still  have  been  averted 
if  King  William,  more  wisely  inspired,  had 
adopted,  forcefully  and  sincerely,  the  meas- 
ures of  interior  administration  which  the 
situation  called  for. 

I  reached  Brussels  the  night  preceding 
the  King's  arrival  from  The  Hague.  At 
an  early  hour,  on  the  following  day,  His 
Majesty  received  me  in  his  Cabinet,  and 
bade  me  be  seated  at  a  small  table  that 
stood  between  us.  Thereupon,  we  at  once 
took  up  the  matter  in  hand.  The  King 
listened  with  close  attention,  and  without 

63 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


interruption,  to  the  details  which  I  gave 
him  of  my  private  audience  with  King 
Charles  X,  and  of  my  conversations  with 
the  Russian  Ambassador,  Count  Pozzo  di 
Borgo,  and  Baron  von  Werther,  the  Prussian 
Minister  (as  well  as  to  the  impressions  I 
myself  had  acquired) .  A  moment  of  silence 
followed  this  long  and  important  address. 
Then  the  King  broke  this  silence  with  these 
very  words : 

"Well!  I  see  we  have  done  well  here 
to  yield  to  opinion  on  several  points  which 
seem  to  have  troubled  the  minds  of  some, 
giving  umbrage  and  even  the  opportunity 
to  misconstrue  my  intentions.  These  con- 
cessions seem  to  have  had  a  good  result  in 
appeasing  men's  minds;  and  it  is  only  fair 
that  I  acknowledge  that  you  have  played 
a  large  part  in  this." 

"Without    doubt,"    I   said,    "the   King 

has  reason  to  congratulate  himself  on  hav- 

64 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


ing  made  certain  concessions,  urgently  de- 
manded by  the  most  decided  public  opinion, 
particularly  in  the  Southern  provinces.  .  .  . 
But,  if  Your  Majesty  will  permit  me  to 
say  it,  it  is  not  enough.  ..." 

I  had  spoken  with  some  warmth. 

"Ah!  I  see  where  you  are  heading," 
said  the  King,  looking  at  me  sternly.  ' '  You 
wish  me,  do  you  not,  to  yield  to  the  more 
or  less  imperiously  voiced  demand  for  the 
dismissal  of  Van  Maanen,  the  Minister  of 
Justice.  But  understand,  Monsieur,  that 
I  will  never  yield  to  such  imperious  demands 
as  these." 

"And  with  reason,  Sire.  .  .  .  But  you 
can  do  better.  Of  your  own  accord,  do 
what  has  not  been  asked  of  you,  and  what 
will  doubtless  prove  to  be  of  the  most  im- 
portance under  these  circumstances.  Prove 
to  the  eyes  of  the  most  incredulous  that 

you  intend  to  change  the  system  of  your 

s  65 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


Government.  Change  your  ministry  en- 
tirely, or,  to  express  it  better,  change  your 
Ministers;  for  where  there  is  no  ministerial 
responsibility  and  representative  constitu- 
tional government,  there  is  no  real  ministry. 
But  by  this  step,  and  by  selecting  men  who 
deserve  public  confidence,  you  will  at  least 
show  that  you  really  wish  to  adopt  an 
entirely  different  path  from  that  which  you 
have  followed,  especially  since  1825.  .  .  . 

"It  is  of  the  highest  importance  for  you 
to  spread  throughout  our  land  this  idea  of 
your  new  point  of  view,  since  you  see  that 
the  most  enlightened  men  in  a  great  neigh- 
boring country,  (such  as  the  Ambassador 
Pozzo  di  Borgo, — to  quote  only  one  of  the 
ablest  statesmen,)  are  dismayed  by  the 
situation  in  France,  and  are  disquieted 
by  the  thought  of  what  may  happen  here, 
if  Your  Majesty  does  not  endeavor  to  pacify 
the  people,  and  to  propitiate  those  whom 

66 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


he  has  alienated.  And  after  all,  Sire,  what 
are  we  really  considering?  The  adoption 
of  a  measure  which  shall  make  an  impres- 
sion on  opinion.  Appoint  men  in  whom 
there  is  general  confidence,  particularly  in 
the  Southern  provinces.  When  you  have 
produced  the  desired  effect,  which  we  re- 
cognize as  necessary  at  this  critical  moment, 
you  will  then  have  time  to  consider,  to 
reflect,  to  see  what  will  happen  in  France, 
after  this  coup  d'etat  which  Charles  X  is 
planning,  and  respecting  which,  I  have  been 
privileged  to  enlighten  you  in  the  most 
minute  fashion." 

This  clear  and  decisive  statement  seemed 
to  have  made  some  impression  on  the  King, 
who  was  dumb  with  astonishment  and  could 
find  no  words  with  which  to  express  him- 
self in  the  presence  of  a  man  who  had  dared 
to  say  to  him:  Dismiss  Van  Maanen,  your 

Minister  of  Justice;  change  all  your  Minis- 

67 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


ters;  seek,  above  all,  to  surround  yourself 
with  honorable  men,  enjoying  general 
respect  and  wide  popularity. 

But  were  all  the  considerations,  which 
achieve  great  results  in  times  of  calm,  worth 
such  long  discussion  on  our  part,  in  view  of 
the  serious  events  about  to  take  place  in 
France?  Had  not  words  of  an  entirely 
different  import  fallen  from  my  lips  at  the 
beginning  of  our  interview?  Had  not  the 
King  heard  those  words  of  Pozzo  di  Borgo? 
"The  Bourbons  are  doomed;  tell  that  for 
me  to  the  King  of  the  Netherlands.  Let 
him  be  on  his  guard!  Let  him  seek  to 
appease  his  subjects;  to  draw  around  him 
again  those  whom  he  has  alienated;  to 
restore  general  confidence." 

I  returned  to  this  point  of  departure,  as 
the  most  important  topic  dominating  the 
situation,  particularly  in  Belgium  on  which 
events  in  France  would  first  react. 

68 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


The  King,  his  head  resting  on  his  hand, 
had  listened  to  me  in  silence  for  several 
moments,  when,  suddenly  turning  towards 
me,  he  said: 

"Well,  then!  Let  us  see.  Put  the  thing 
at  its  worst;  what  will  happen?  .  .  . 
Granted  that  Pozzo's  prophecy  will  be 
realized;  that  the  Bourbons  will  be  over- 
thrown, that  the  tri-colored  flags  and  cock- 
ades will  reappear,  and  that  our  Southern 
provinces  will  be  invaded.  .  .  .  Well  then! 
Monsieur,  as  to  me,  I  shall  retire  beyond 
the  rivers,  and  from  The  Hague  I  shall 
write  as  follows  to  all  the  sovereigns  who 
signed  the  Treaty  of  1815:  You  formed  the 
Kingdom  of  the  Netherlands.  Only  half 
of  the  Kingdom  now  remains.  Ancient  Bel- 
gium is  invaded.  Do  you  wish  to  re-estab- 
lish it?  I  have  no  doubt  you  do.  In  that 
case,  come  to  my  aid.  You  are  the  guaran- 
tors of  its  existence, — the  treaties  exist." 

69 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


While  the  King  was  thus  expressing  him- 
self, I  was  thinking  of  the  position  he  held 
with  respect  to  the  foreign  Powers:  with 
Austria,  which  he  had  displeased  in  the 
matter  of  financial  settlements;  with  Prus- 
sia, in  regard  to  the  navigation  of  the  Rhine ; 
with  England,  in  the  question  of  customs 
duty;  that  England  which  was,  doubtless, 
not  looking  with  any  indifference  upon  the 
great  progress  of  our  industries  and  manu- 
facturers, at  this  very  moment  displayed 
in  the  halls  of  the  Exposition. 

I  did  not  know  just  how  to  make  the 
King  understand  that  the  consequences  of 
such  a  situation  would  be  of  a  kind  to  bring 
about  various  changes  in  the  good-will  of 
these  foreign  Cabinets  towards  him;  and 
this  was  apart  from  the  consideration  that 
the  policy  of  these  sovereigns,  intent  on 
their  own  interests,  and  with  different 

points  of  view,  would  lead  them,  for  the 

70 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


moment,  to  refrain  from  all  political  mani- 
festations. This  proved  to  be  the  case; 
and  we  saw  the  coup  d'etat  in  France,  and 
the  subsequent  revolution,  take  place  within 
three  days;  we  saw  the  Courts  of  the  North- 
ern countries  acting  in  unison,  not  only  in 
giving  recognition  to  what  had  been  done, 
but  also  in  urging  the  King  of  the  Nether- 
lands not  to  make  any  military  demonstra- 
tion that  might  disturb  the  Government 
newly  established  in  France.  Fear  of  giv- 
ing France  a  pretext  for  arming  and  placing 
herself  in  a  state  of  war  went  so  far  that  the 
foreign  Diplomatic  Corps  at  The  Hague 
was  charged  to  make  representations  to 
the  King  in  order  to  turn  him  from  the 
thought  of  his  reconquering  the  lost  pro- 
vinces through  force  of  arms.  But  we  are 
not  as  far  as  that  yet. 

In  my  reply  to  the  King,  I  confined  myself 
to  saying: 

71 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


"Pray  consider,  Sire,  that  treaties  are 
made  only  by  reason  of  the  contemporary 
circumstances;  that  they  are  subject  to 
modifications  occasioned  by  new  political 
conditions;  that  in  time  they  are  torn  to 
pieces  in  the  winds  of  revolutions;  and  that 
new  acts,  when  fully  accomplished,  are  the 
basis  of  new  treaties.  Is  it  not  better  to 
foresee  events,  while  there  is  still  time,  and 
to  try  to  avert  the  storm  before  it  bursts 
upon  you?" 

"As  for  me,  Sir,"  answered  the  King,  in 
a  dry  and  scornful  tone,  "I  recognize  only 
existing  treaties  as  a  basis  for  rightful 
action;  I  respect  treaties  when  they  involve 
the  interests  of  others;  I  maintain  they 
should  be  similarly  respected  when  my 
interests  are  involved." 

For  the  King  to  reason  thus,  was  to  lay 
aside  all  considerations  resulting  from  the 

present  situation,   the  deeds  recently  ac- 

72 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


complished,  the  most  simple  forecasts,  and 
to  some  extent  to  isolate  himself  somehow, 
in  the  midst  of  current  ideas,  from  events 
which  involved  everyone  around  him  in 
an  unknown  future. 


73 


XII 

THE  King  was  obviously  deceiving  him- 
self as  to  the  bases  of  agreement  to  be 
adopted  by  the  Conference  of  London. 

The  first  basis  proposed  and  accepted  at 
the  Conference  of  London  was  the  recogni- 
tion of  deeds  already  accomplished;  and, 
indeed,  the  Southern  provinces,  which  had 
just  then  revolted  from  Holland,  were  at 
once  declared  independent,  and  were  per- 
mitted to  constitute  themselves  as  a  sepa- 
rate State,  and  to  convene  a  National 
Assembly,  whence  the  Belgian  Kingdom 
was  to  arise. 

It  was  not  yet  the  twentieth  of  March, 
1830,  but  everything  was  arranged.  The 
King,  urged  to  return  to  The  Hague,  would 
doubtless  have  done  better,  (as  circum- 

74 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


stances  have  proved,)  not  to  have  stirred 
from  Brussels.  He  advised  me  to  occupy 
myself  with  the  Exposition,  of  whose  Com- 
mission His  Majesty  had  nominated  me  as 
President  to  direct  its  work  and  to  make  a 
report  of  our  proceedings. 

The  Commission  was  composed  of  very 
able  men;  including  Mr.  Biolley,  from  Ver- 
viers,  Mr.  John  Cockerill,  whose  worth 
everyone  appreciates,  and  other  manu- 
facturers, as  well  as  the  Presidents  of  the 
Chambers  of  Commerce  of  the  various 
provinces. 

I  promised  the  King  to  give  my  whole 
attention  to  the  undertaking.  Several 
times  I  called  the  Commission  together  to 
establish  a  rule,  which  was  soon  drawn  up 
and  adopted;  and  every  Member  of  the 
Commission  assumed  the  task  that  he  was 
to  perform. 

The  place  selected  was  the  ancient  Palace 

75 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


of  the  Governors-General  of  the  Austrian 
Netherlands.  The  Exposition  was  not  to 
be  opened  to  the  public  until  the  first  of 
August. 

The  King  said  to  me  on  leaving: 

"This  year  I  shall  return  to  Brussels 
before  the  time  of  the  opening  of  the  States- 
General." 

The  day  fixed  by  the  Constitution  for 
the  opening  of  this  important  spectacle  of 
the  reunion  of  all  the  products  of  our  na- 
tional industry,  was  the  third  Monday  of 
October. 

During  the  interval,  I  returned  to  my 
estate  near  Liege  where  I  remained  until 
everything  had  been  arranged  in  the  Ex- 
position halls. 


XIII 

THE  King  had  left  for  The  Hague  with 
a  tranquil  mind,  despite  our  conversation 
concerning  public  affairs,  and  the  testimony 
of  the  keen  and  penetrating  Count  Pozzo 
di  Borgo,  of  which  I  had  availed  myself  in 
order  the  more  strongly  to  impress  the 
King;  in  spite,  also  of  the  Baron  von  Wer- 
ther's  opinion,  which  I  had  faithfully  re- 
ported; and  although  he  saw  the  approach 
in  France  of  a  crisis,  in  which  the  downfall 
of  the  Bourbon  dynasty  was  predicted  by 
experienced  and  far-sighted  men,  a  predic- 
tion that  the  fatal  consequences  verified. 

Nothing  of  all  this  appeared  to  have  left 
any  trace  on  the  King's  mind.  Of  no 
avail  were  the  earnest  entreaties  to  induce 
him  to  enter  with  conciliatory  measures  a 

77 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


better  path  of  government;  and  no  doubt 
he  considered  my  urgent  solicitations  as 
nothing  but  an  exaggeration  on  my  part, 
intended  to  obtain  more  from  him  than  he 
wished  to  grant.  During  the  short  interval 
which  elapsed  between  the  departure  of  the 
King  for  The  Hague  and  his  return  for 
the  opening  of  the  Exposition  at  Brussels, 
the  overthrow  of  the  Bourbon  dynasty 
was  silently  preparing  at  Paris,  and  accom- 
plished in  three  days. 

We  were  awakened  one  morning,  in  the 
latter  part  of  July,  by  the  rumor  of  the 
Ordinances,  signed  by  Charles  X,  on  his 
return  from  a  hunt  in  the  Forest  of  Ram- 
bouillet.  I  had  been  at  Brussels  for  a  few 
days,  presiding  over  the  Commission  of  the 
Exposition.  Astonishment  and  consterna- 
tion were  depicted  on  every  face.  The  day 
following  the  signing  of  the  Ordinances  by 
Charles  X,  men  took  up  arms  in  Paris, 

78 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


and  fighting  went  on  in  the  streets,  while, 
in  his  Palace,  the  King  amused  himself 
as  usual,  with  whist,  and  continued  to 
observe  court  etiquette,  at  S-  Cloud,  in 
audiences  to  persons  devoted  to  him,  who 
hurried  there  to  inform  him  of  what  was 
going  on  in  the  Paris  streets.  They  sought 
to  persuade  him  either  to  withdraw  the 
fatal  Ordinances,  or  to  mount  his  horse  and 
place  himself  at  the  head  of  his  Guard,  and 
have  the  streets  swept  before  his  eyes  with 
cannon. 

This  was  just  exactly  what  the  Duchess 
de  Berry  at  Rambouillet  sought  on  the 
third  day  to  attempt.  From  the  lips 
of  the  distinguished  General  Vincent,  First 
Equerry  of  the  Duchess,  I  heard  the  fol- 
lowing touching  and  noble  account : 

The  King  had  just  arrived  in  the  even- 
ing at  the  Chateau  de  Rambouillet.  The 
Duchess  de  Berry  took  the  General  aside, 

79 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


and  asked  if  he  contemplated  returning  to 
Paris  the  next  morning.  When  the  General 
answered  in  the  affirmative,  she  said  to  him : 

1 '  Have  you  your  carriage  ? ' ' 

"Yes,  Madame." 

"Well,  in  that  case,  I  shall  bring  my  riding 
habit;  I  shall  take  my  son  with  me;  and, 
arriving  at  Paris,  I  shall  assemble  the  Guard, 
mount  my  horse,  and  with  my  son  in  my 
arms,  I  shall  address  the  troop  and  place 
myself  at  its  head.  You  will  accompany 
me,  General!" 

"Ah!  Madame,  if  you  obtain  permission 
from  the  King  to  carry  out  this  noble  and 
generous  impulse,  I  shall  be  the  most  for- 
tunate of  men  to  have  the  honor  of  following 
you.  But  without  that,  Your  Royal  High- 
ness knows  that  I  am  unable  to  take  any 
action." 

General  Vincent  was  one  of  the  generals 

of  the  Guard,  who  rendered  glorious  service. 

so 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


All  this  took  place  on  the  27th  of  July, 
at  Rambouillet,  whither  the  Court  had  with- 
drawn. The  noble  Duchess,  with  tears  in 
her  eyes,  left,  in  saying: 

"Adieu,  General!  Let  us  think  no 
further  of  this.  There  is  nothing  left  to 
be  done.  All  is  lost." 

From  the  very  beginning,  sinister  rumors 
were  noised  abroad  at  Brussels.  However, 
people  were  more  occupied  with  their 
thoughts  of  pleasure  than  with  thoughts  of 
the  revolution;  for  the  horse  races  were 
taking  place  at  the  course  of  Monplaisir. 
The  Prince  of  Orange  presided  over  them, 
and  to  his  box  came  many  persons,  includ- 
ing strangers  of  distinction,  English  and 
French.  Among  others  was  the  Due  d' Ava- 
ray,  Captain  of  the  Guard  of  Charles  X, 
who  had  not  been  taken  into  the  King's 
confidence  with  respect  to  his  plans;  and 
who,  surprised  by  such  audacity  and  courage 

6  8l 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


and  resolution,  in  publishing  the  famous 
Ordinances,  applauded  heartily  and  walked 
away,  remarking  in  a  loud  voice: 

"We  are  saved!  Here,  at  last,  is  a  King 
who  has  resumed  royal  power,  and  re- 
entered  upon  his  rights,  and  who  will  put 
an  end  to  the  revolution." 

I  entered  the  Prince's  box,  just  as  the 
Due  d'Avaray  was  excitedly  uttering  these 
words,  which  the  Prince  of  Orange  ap- 
plauded with  all  his  might,  as  if  the  King's 
action  were  a  display  of  authority  implying 
that  the  best  possible  measures  had  been 
adopted  to  insure  success.  Then,  too,  the 
Captain  of  the  King's  Guard  did  not  leave 
the  Prince  of  Orange  any  doubt  on  that 
score  as  he  added: 

"Rest  assured,  Monseigneur,  that  in 
case  of  any  resistance,  our  cuirassiers  will 
not  even  have  to  take  their  swords  in 

hand;    the   heels   of   their   boots   will   be 

82 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


sufficient  to  disperse  the  riot  in  the 
streets." 

This  phrase  recalled  to  my  mind  the  lan- 
guage of  the  Emigres  at  Coblentz,  and 
probably  led  me  slightly  to  shrug  my 
shoulders.  The  Prince  of  Orange  took 
notice  of  this  with  a  glance  in  my  direction, 
that  I  well  understood.  I  was  not  surprised 
to  hear  him  answer  emphatically: 

"Oh!  I  believe  you,  my  dear  Duke.  I 
entirely  agree  with  you.  I  have  often  said 
that  all  that  is  necessary  is  to  know  how  to 
take  things  in  hand  in  time,  and  spontane- 
ously. The  crop  of  the  cavalier  on  many 
occasions  suffices  to  disperse  the  mob." 

I  had  withdrawn  to  a  corner  of  the  box 
to  avoid  taking  part  in  the  conversation; 
and  assumed  the  appearance  of  being  greatly 
interested  in  the  races.  But,  on  the  con- 
trary, my  mind  was  strongly  impressed  by 
all  that  was  happening  at  Paris,  and  by  what 

83 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


I  had  just  heard.  I  recalled,  at  that 
moment  a  still  renowned  article  in  the 
Journal  des  Debats,  that  began  with  these 
words:  "Unfortunate  France!  Unfortunate 
King!" 

I  recalled  my  last  conversation  at  Paris 
with  the  Russian  Ambassador,  Pozzo  di 
Borgo,  just  after  I  had  left  the  audience 
which  Charles  X  had  granted  me.  And 
with  a  shudder  I  beheld  the  carelessness, 
the  levity,  the  audacity  involved  in  the 
fatal  thoughts,  (so  soon  and  imprudently 
to  be  realized  in  a  coup  d'etat,)  which,  a 
short  time  before,  had  absorbed  all  the  at- 
tention of  the  unfortunate  Charles  X.  To 
him  the  public  reading  of  the  abolition  of 
the  Charter  seemed  a  quite  simple  and  in- 
fallible affair  and  he  expected  immediately 
to  see  all  heads  bowed  and  all  wills  obedient. 
Ah!  dizzy  spirit  of  error!  .  .  .  You  have 
existed  in  all  times,  in  all  places,  in  all  the 

84 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


epochs  that  history,  (without  throwing  light 
upon  you,)  can  trace! 

Absorbed  in  these  sad  presentiments,  my 
head  was  turned  towards  the  race-course, 
as  I  watched  the  horses  starting  at  the 
beginning  of  the  track;  but  my  thoughts 
were  elsewhere.  I  was  suddenly  awakened 
from  my  reverie  by  the  Prince  of  Orange, 
who  had  taken  my  hand,  and  was  shaking 
it  with  that  cordiality  to  which  his  kindness 
had  long  accustomed  me;  and  his  first 
words  were: 

"Well!  have  you  heard  the  great  news?" 
My  reply  was  quite  simple.  It  could  not 
resemble  the  answer  made  by  the  Captain  of 
the  Guard  of  Charles  X.  The  seriousness 
of  my  look  indicated  sufficiently  to  the 
Prince,  without  a  word  on  my  part,  how 
disturbed  I  was,  not  only  at  the  situation 
in  France,  but  at  the  grave  consequences 
that  were  to  result  for  us,  knowing  as  I  did 

85 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


the  indecisive  character  of  King  William 
and  the  lack  of  prudence  with  which  his 
son,  the  Prince  of  Orange,  so  frequently 
acted. 

The  Prince  of  Orange,  through  his  chiv- 
alry, his  conduct  in  the  English  army  at 
the  time  of  the  war  with  Spain,  his  dashing 
bravery  at  Waterloo,  his  kindly  spirit,  his 
general  nobility  of  character,  had  won  the 
hearts  of  the  Belgians.  But  for  some  time 
past  he  had  fallen  into  some  disfavor  at 
Brussels,  by  reason  of  the  persons  with  whom 
he  associated  in  private  life,  and  through 
slander  which  was  noised  abroad  concern- 
ing him.  He  now  was  met  by  coldness 
where,  formerly,  he  had  been  accustomed 
to  receive  the  warmest  of  welcomes;  and 
on  that  very  day  of  the  races  things  had 
reached  such  a  pass  that  if  the  winning 
horse  came  from  the  Prince's  stables,  it 
was  received  with  hisses  instead  of  applause. 

86 


XIV 

ALL  these  things,  unimportant  in  them- 
selves, appeared  as  bad  omens  at  a  time 
when  there  was  about  to  break  forth  in  the 
streets  of  Paris,  a  great  revolution,  whose 
consequences  would  necessarily  soon  be 
felt  in  our  own  country. 

The  Bourbons  were  hurled  from  their 
throne,  as  had  been  foreseen  by  the  cele- 
brated diplomat  whose  words  I  had  but 
lately  reported  to  the  King. 

Louis  Philippe  d' Orleans  had  assumed 
the  reins  of  government,  and  not  in  the 
capacity  of  Regent ;  for  he  had  been  forced 
to  accept  the  sovereignty,  acclaimed  by  the 
National  Guard  and  recognized  by  the 
Chambers.  He  had  accepted  the  Crown, 
in  order  to  avoid  a  Republic. 

87 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


Europe  seemed  to  be  forcing  this  action, 
for  all  the  diplomats  accredited  to^France, 
instead  of  having  followed  Charles  X  to 
Rambouillet,  had,  on  the  contrary,  received 
orders  from  their  Courts  to  remain  at 
Paris. 

This  was  the  moment  that  should  have 
been  seized  upon  by  King  William,  who 
not  only  was  among  the  first  to  recognize 
with  great  cordiality  Louis  Philippe  as 
King  of  France,  but  who  also  forbade  asylum 
to  the  unfortunate  Duchess  de  Berry, 
should  she  attempt  to  find  a  refuge  in  his 
domain. 

The  policy  of  the  King  of  the  Nether- 
lands seemed  clearly  indicated:  Through 
General  Robert  Fagel,  his  Minister  Pleni- 
potentiary who  remained  at  Paris,  he  must 
have  learned  that  the  policy  of  Prince  Tal- 
leyrand— who  had  become  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs — was  based  on  an  English  al- 

88 


P    •, 

cA^cuMd   i 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


liance,  on  the  intention  of  reassuring  Europe 
regarding  the  maintenance  of  the  treaty 
of  1815,  and  on  peace;  and  this  policy  had 
been  adopted  by  King  Louis  Philippe. 
From  this  point  of  view,  if  King  William 
had  been  a  sagacious  politician,  he  would 
have  taken  the  lead,  and  have  sent  to  Paris 
a  representative  vested  with  full  power 
immediately  to  open  (in  conjunction  with 
General  Fagel,  who  had  been  accredited 
Minister  to  the  new  King  of  France,)  nego- 
tiations tending  to  offer  the  Netherlands 
an  alliance  with  that  already  agreed  upon 
between  England  and  France,  and  such  an 
offer  would  doubtless  have  been  all  the 
more  willingly  accepted,  in  that  it  implied 
a  renewed  consecration,  on  the  part  of 
France,  of  the  Treaty  of  1815,  an  act  that 
would  have  been  reassuring  to  all  Europe, 
for  Europe  would  with  pleasure  have  therein 
recognized  the  maintenance  of  the  line  of 

89 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


fortifications.1  And  Louis  Philippe  would 
not  have  failed  to  accept  the  offer,  as  his 
acceptance  would  be  a  pledge  to  Europe 
of  his  disinterestedness  and  his  desire  to 
preserve  peace. 

If,  after  that,  King  William  had  modified 
his  institutions  in  the  Netherlands,  and  had 
proclaimed  a  Constitutional  Government 
with  direct  elections  and  ministerial  respon- 
sibility, the  weapons  would  have  imme- 
diately dropped  from  the  hands  of  the 
opposition  at  Brussels;  and,  granting  the 
possibility  that  the  Government  of  Louis 
Philippe  would  not  be  able  to  maintain  itself, 
and  would  be  overturned  by  either  a  repub- 
lican or  legitimist  revolution,  it  must  be 
admitted  that  the  Powers  of  the  North 
would  have  been  grateful  to  King  William 
for  having  preserved  the  Kingdom  of  the 
Netherlands. 

1  Against  France. 

90 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


The  Prince  of  Orange,  who  had  prolonged 
his  stay  at  Brussels,  hastened  back  to  The 
Hague,  where  he  found  the  King  in  ignor- 
ance of  many  happenings,  and,  above  all, 
in  a  state  of  habitual  indecision  as  to  what 
part  to  take,  although  he  had  been  the  first 
to  recognize  the  new  King  of  France. 


XV 

IF  the  special  sense  for  political  strategy, 
of  which  we  have  just  spoken,  was  absent 
from  the  line  of  conduct  that  the  King 
wished  to  adopt  under  these  grave  condi- 
tions, he  should,  at  least,  have  devoted 
himself  to  means  of  calming  party  irritation 
in  his  country,  by  cutting  away  all  internal 
difficulties  through  a  frank  declaration  of 
his  willingness  to  follow  a  new  path  of 
government.  But  he  did  nothing,  abso- 
lutely nothing.  Three  months  passed  in  this 
same  indecision,  this  same  inactivity.  He 
allowed  hopes  of  concession  to  arise,  but 
nothing  came  of  them.  Then,  finally,  he 
made  up  his  mind,  but  only  when  it  was  too 
late. 

Nevertheless,  a  very  simple  consideration 
92 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


should  have  occurred  to  him.  The  Kingdom 
of  the  Netherlands,  in  not  having  entered 
into  the  alliance  with  France  and  England, 
found  itself,  through  this  abstention,  in 
the  same  attitude  of  hostility  to  France  as 
had  been  involved  in  the  Treaty  of  1815, 
signed  at  Vienna.  The  Government  of  Louis 
Philippe  thus  had  a  great  interest  in  seek- 
ing means  of  severing,  should  the  oppor- 
tunity offer,  that  portion  of  the  Kingdom 
which,  formerly  part  of  France  prior  to  the 
reverses  of  1814,  had  since  then  been  an- 
nexed to  Holland.  On  this  theory,  the 
French  Government  could  play  an  advan- 
tageous game  in  fomenting,  or  in  merely 
supporting,  the  spirit  of  opposition  and 
discontent  which  was  on  the  increase  in 
the  Southern  provinces,  (ancient  Belgium,) 
with  the  purpose  of  seizing  the  occasion, 
that  would  sooner  or  later  present  itself, 
of  achieving  the  separation  of  these  pro- 

93 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


vinces  from  Holland;  not,  indeed,  in  order 
to  annex  them  again  to  France,  (an  act 
which  to  the  Great  Powers  would  have  been 
opposed,)  but,  rather,  should  circumstances 
permit,  with  a  view  to  the  possibility  of 
the  establishment  of  these  provinces  as  a 
consummation  that  France  would  regard 
as  a  peaceful  conquest. 

Further  on  I  shall  relate  how,  on  a  day 
several  years  later,  I  was,  by  chance,  enabled 
to  hear  from  the  lips  of  the  principal  actor 
in  the  revolutionary  movement  at  Brus- 
sels, in  1830,  "how  the  first  day  was  nothing 
more  than  a  simple  riot,  which  had  no  other 
result  than  the  destruction  by  fire  of  the 
offices  of  the  Minister  of  Justice,  an  up- 
rising which  would  have  fallen  to  the  ground, 
through  lack  of  support,  lack  of  direction 
and  aim;  but,"  he  added,  "fortunately 
I  had  the  word  of  command.  ..." 

The  King,  as  I  have  said,  had  appointed 

94 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


me  President  of  the  Commission  of  the 
Exposition,  which  was  about  to  open,  of 
the  Products  of  National  Industry,  and 
had  put  me  in  charge  of  directing  its 
affairs. 

The  political  horizon  was  clouding  up 
from  day  to  day.  The  secret  societies 
were  never  inactive,  and  were  preparing 
the  way  for  an  outburst  which,  in  fact, 
took  us  by  surprise,  for  no  precautions  had 
been  taken,  no  preparations  planned. 

The  moment  had  come  when  the  King 
was  to  return  from  The  Hague  to  Brussels, 
for  that  great  national  occasion — the  open- 
ing of  the  Exposition.  This  was  in  the 
first  days  of  August,  1830.  The  presence 
of  the  King  at  Brussels  had,  (despite  the 
disturbance  caused  by  the  Ordinances  of 
Charles  X  and  the  subsequent  downfall 
of  the  Bourbons,)  restored  not  calm,  but  at 
least  the  appearance  of  tranquillity  in  the 

95 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


streets,  where  everyone  was  busy  with  his 
own  affairs. 

The  correspondence  between  Louis  Phi- 
lippe and  William  I  was  full  of  courtesy 
and  amenities.  The  King,  who  had  come 
to  Brussels  to  be  present  at  the  Exposition, 
could  easily  have  made  this  a  pretext  for 
taking  up  his  residence  there,  before  the 
usual  season,  which  was  the  beginning  of 
October. 

I  made  every  effort  imaginable  to  induce 
him  so  to  do,  but  in  vain.  His  ever  methodi- 
cal spirit  interfered.  The  difference  would 
have  been  hardly  noticeable;  it  was  a 
question  merely  of  six  weeks.  No  matter: 
it  did  not  fall  in  with  his  usual,  strictly- 
observed  programme.  On  the  day  of  his 
second  visit  to  the  Exposition,  in  which  he 
showed  his  pride,  especially  when  strangers 
were  present,  he  planned  to  leave  for  The 

Hague  in  the  evening.     I  had  urged  him 

96 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


to  show  his  satisfaction  with  the  Members 
of  the  Commission  by  inviting  them  to 
dinner;  I  had  hoped  thereby  to  gain  an 
extra  day  of  his  presence  at  Brussels.  But 
not  at  all.  The  King  said  to  me: 

"I  willingly  accept  your  suggestion,  but 
for  this  very  day.  I  shall  depart  imme- 
diately thereafter." 

The  dinner  did  indeed  take  place,  and 
was  very  gay,  and  animated  by  the  enthu- 
siastic and  friendly  conversation  which 
His  Majesty  kept  up  with  his  guests;  and 
it  must  be  admitted  that  to  the  impetus 
given  by  King  William  to  manufactures  and 
industry,  was  due  in  large  part  the  spirit 
of  enthusiasm  and  encouragement,  to  which 
His  Majesty  contributed,  and  which  the 
Exposition  made  evident  to  the  citizens, 
and  to  the  many  foreigners  who  came  to 
visit  it. 

The  after-dinner  talk  which  the  King  was 
7  97 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


always  glad  to  prolong,  extended,  on  this 
occasion,  beyond  the  usual  limits.  Before 
dismissing  us,  His  Majesty,  seeing  me 
standing  alone,  and  leaning  against  the 
chimney  mantlepiece,  (in  an  attitude  of 
thought  that  contrasted  somewhat  with  the 
expression  of  satisfaction  of  the  other 
guests  gathered  in  the  salon,)  came  up  to 
me  and  said: 

"How  now!  I  find  you  here  alone,  apart 
from  the  rest,  on  a  day  when  you,  more 
than  any  other  person,  should  show  satis- 
faction. But,  on  the  contrary,  your  sad 
and  preoccupied  air  contrasts  strongly  with 
that  of  everyone  else." 

It  was  then  that  there  took  place  be- 
tween the  King  and  myself  the  conversa- 
tion which  can  be  found  published  in  the 
volume  by  Mons.  De  Grovenstein,  and 
which  was  continued  to  the  moment  of 

His  Majesty's  departure  for  The  Hague. 

98 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


"Yes,  Sire,"  I  answered,  "I  frankly  con- 
fess that  I  am  much  troubled  by  the  situa- 
tion in  which  you  are  leaving  us,  and  I 
infinitely  regret  your  departure  at  such  a 
moment  as  this." 

"But  why?  What  is  there  that  is  so 
serious?" 

"There  is  nothing,  just  at  this  moment, 
I  agree;  but  is  that  any  reason  why,  in  the 
actual  circumstances,  there  remains  no- 
thing to  be  feared,  in  the  King's  absence? 
France  is  emerging  from  a  violent  outburst, 
at  which  everyone  is  excited,  while  opinions 
are  divided.  We  cannot  disregard  the 
fact  that  there  are  in  our  midst  tendencies 
and  plots  in  the  making,  which,  at  any 
moment  may  be  translated  into  disturb- 
ances. .  .  .  And  who,  Sire,  have  you  here, 
to  confront  such  an  eventuality?  The; 
Military  Governor  is  a  worthy  old  man 
who  has  frequently  asked  you  to  allow 

99 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


him  to  resign.  Our  good  old  General 
Constant,  handicapped  by  age  and  in- 
firmities, has  a  great  deal  of  difficulty  in 
mounting  his  horse.  ...  As  Civil  Gov- 
ernor of  the  Province  you  have  also  a  very 
worthy  man,  but  one  who,  at  this  moment, 
does  not  appear  to  me  to  be  equal  to  his 
position.  The  police  force  is  badly  or- 
ganized; and  then,  besides,  I  do  not  know 
how  much  longer  these  different  authorities 
can  get  on  together  in  perfect  accord. 
>  "With  you  here,  Sire,  everything  is 
different.  Orders  are  immediately  given; 
your  very  presence  is  imposing;  why  not 
take  up  your  residence  here  at  once?  The 
Exposition  affords  you  the  pretext.  .  .  . 
I  urge  you,  Sire.  Put  off  your  departure; 
it  is  the  wisest,  the  safest  move.  Think 
of  the  seriousness  of  the  situation." 

"But,   Monsieur,"   answered  the  King, 
"you  know  that  in  six  weeks  I  shall  be 


100 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


established  at  Brussels  for  the  opening 
session  of  the  States-General.  I  do  not 
deny  that  what  you  say  is  true  in  regard 
to  the  lack  of  goodwill  existing  between  the 
civil  and  military  authorities.  But  re- 
member this,  also,  that,  should  need  arise, 
it  takes  me  but  from  twelve  to  fourteen 
hours  to  come  from  The  Hague  to  Brussels. 
Besides  which,  we  must  hope, "  His  Majesty 
ended  by  saying,  "we  must  hope  that  all 
will  go  well  during  this  short  interval." 

Cast  down  by  this  remark,  I  bowed  my 
head  in  taking  leave  of  the  King,  and  said: 

"I  shall  hope  with  you,  Sire." 

Whereupon  he  added : 

"You  know,  of  course,  that  the  marriage 
of  my  daughter,  Princess  Marianne,  is  to 
take  place  at  The  Hague.  I  trust  you  will 
not  fail  to  be  present." 

I  did,  in  fact,  attend  the  wedding;  but 
the  King  was  never  again  to  see  Brussels. 


101 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


It  was  with  a  sad  and  vague  presentiment 
that  I  saw  him  depart;  and  on  that  very 
evening,  I  got  a  post-chaise  to  take  me  to 
Argenteau,  where  I  had  left  my  wife  and 
children;  and  there  I  remained  until  the 
2ist  of  August,  the  day  fixed  upon  for  the 
closing  of  the  Exposition,  and  for  the  signing 
of  the  official  reports. 

The  time  passed  without  any  event  to 
disturb  my  tranquillity,  and  without  the 
King  taking  any  steps  to  quiet  the  troubled 
state  of  affairs,  even  as  much  as  to  grant 
some  of  the  concessions,  that  had  been 
asked  for,  and,  that  had  been,  after  a 
fashion,  I  shall  not  say,  promised,  but 
which,  at  least,  were  concessions  that  the 
King  had  allowed  the  people  to  look  upon 
as  hopeful  of  being  granted. 


102 


XVI 

WHEN  the  time  arrived,  I  made  my  plans 
for  returning  to  Brussels;  and  in  the  even- 
ing of  the  22d  of  August,  I  was  re-established 
in  my  residence,  in  the  rue  Ducale.  On 
arriving  there,  I  asked  for  an  opera  pro- 
gramme, counting  on  going  if  they  were  to 
give  La  Muette,  whose  music  I  like.  This 
was,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  to  be  performed, 
but  my  porter  made  a  mistake  and  sent 
me  the  programme  for  the  previous  evening 
instead  of  for  that  day.  I  seized  the  op- 
portunity tc  remain  at  home  and  to  retire 
at  an  early  hour.  I  was  awakened  in  the 
night  by  an  unwonted  stir  in  the  house, 
and  rang  for  my  valet  to  ascertain  the  cause. 
He  had  not  yet  gone  to  bed,  and  he  came 

into  my  room  to  tell   me  what  had  taken 
103 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


place  that  evening  after  the  opera ;  that  the 
house  of  the  Minister  of  Justice  had  been 
destroyed  by  fire  and  that  there  was  fight- 
ing going  on  in  the  streets.  Hastily  I 
dressed  myself;  and  went  at  once  to  the 
King's  Palace,  where  I  saw  a  company  of 
grenadiers  drawn  up  in  formation,  carry- 
ing arms  which  they  had  been  instructed 
not  to  use. 

During  that  night,  there  were  several 
men  in  smocks  killed  by  the  National 
Guard.  The  23d  of  August  passed  without 
any  other  event.  People  did  not  just  know 
what  it  was  they  wanted,  or  why  fighting 
was  going  on;  and  all  this  in  the  midst 
of  unsurpressed  disturbance.  Since  the 
preceding  night's  fire,  after  the  opera,  no 
measure  of  prevention  or  suppression  had 
been  taken.  Some  of  the  weapons  of  the 
National  Guard  had  fallen  into  the  hands 

of  the  insurgents.     The  next  morning,  it 

104 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


is  true,  these  arms  were  retaken  by  the 
National  Guard,  but  only  to  be  recaptured 
a  little  later  by  the  insurgents. 

The  following  day,  the  24th  of  August, 
was  the  anniversary  day  of  the  Fete  of  the 
King.  For  this  celebration,  preparations 
had  been  made  to  illuminate  the  facades 
of  the  ministerial  residences  in  the  park. 
But  in  an  instant  all  these  illuminations 
were  broken,  stripped  off,  and  destroyed. 
Hitherto  the  insignia  of  Royalty  had  not 
been  attacked;  but  in  the  evening  of  this 
24th  of  August,  the  royal  arms  were  re- 
moved and  trampled  under  foot.  We  were 
in  the  thick  of  a  revolution. 

One  of  the  King's  Ministers,  M-  Van 
Gobbelschroy — the  Minister  of  the  Interior 
— was  still  at  Brussels,  where  he  had  been 
detained  by  reason  of  the  Exposition. 
This  Minister  had  not  deemed  it  fitting  to 
inform  the  King  of  events  at  Brussels 
105 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


other  than  by  a  letter,  sent  by  post — a 
letter  which  took  three  days  to  reach  the 
King,  who  was  staying  at  the  Chateau  de 
Loo! 

Uncertain  as  to  what  might  be  happening 
at  Liege  and  in  the  neighborhood  of  Argen- 
teau,  (and  fearing  that  the  insurrection  had 
extended  to  the  laboring  population  of  these 
cantons,)  I  sent,  on  the  night  of  the  24th,  for 
post  horses,  and  set  forth  in  all  haste  to 
join  my  family. 

As  I  was  passing  through  Liege,  I  learned 
that  there  had  been  some  stir  in  that  town, 
and  that  a  Committee  of  public  safety  had 
been  organized  by  Mynheer  Sandberg,  the 
Governor.  Dutch  by  descent,  he  was  a  man 
of  level  head  and  of  resolution;  a  wise  man, 
clear-visioned  and  endowed  with  excellent 
judgment.  Feeling  that  his  authority  had 
already  been  crippled  by  the  events  at 
Brussels,  he  had  lost  no  time  in  writing 

106 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


me.  I  had  approved  this  prudent  measure, 
and  we  had  agreed  to  continue  our  corre- 
spondence. 

Mynheer  Sandberg  was  one  of  those  few 
who  saw  that  the  Government,  in  its  heed- 
lessness,  was  heading  towards  destruction. 
This  administrator  had,  for  some  time, 
tried  to  enlighten  the  King  in  regard  to  his 
personal  danger,  as  well  as  that  which 
threatened  the  country.  His  uprightness 
and  his  frankness  only  served  to  cause  his 
fall  into  disfavor,  upon  his  return  to  The 
Hague. 

The  King,  who  for  a  long  time  had  re- 
fused to  recognize  the  evidence  of  dangers 
which,  following  the  Revolution  of  July, 
at  Paris,  were  arising  at  his  very  feet;  and 
who  did  not  wish  to  hear  of  the  precautions 
that  loyal  adherents  besought  him  to  adopt 
in  order  to  quiet  the  country  and  to  make 

the  necessary  concessions  while  there  was 
107 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


yet  time,  had  been  informed,  as  I  have  said, 
at  the  Chateau  de  Loo,  by  a  letter  from 
his  Minister  of  the  Interior,  still  at  Brus- 
sels, of  the  revolutionary  movement  which 
had  broken  out  in  that  city.  It  really 
seemed  that,  so  as  to  withdraw  himself 
still  more,  he  had  shut  himself  up  in  an 
isolated  chateau,  far  from  The  Hague, 
without  even  taking  the  precaution  to 
arrange  means  of  being  promptly  warned 
by  couriers.  It  seemed,  I  maintain,  as  if 
he  had  left  Brussels  with  a  tranquil  mind 
and  confident  that  the  dangers  which 
might  result  from  his  absence,  as  well 
as  the  report  of  the  effect  produced 
at  Paris  by  the  publication  of  the  Or- 
dinances of  Charles  X,  had  been  ex- 
aggerated. He  seemed,  moreover,  to  feel 
confident  that  all  that  was  needed  to 
bring  Brussels  to  reason  and  re-establish 
his  authority  there,  were  the  troops  re- 

108 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


united  around  Antwerp  under  the  command 
of  Prince  Frederic.  But  the  outcome  was 
soon  to  teach  the  King  the  insufficiency  of 
his  attitude. 


109 


XVII 

THE  time  was  at  hand  for  the  opening  of 
the  States-General,  about  to  assemble  at 
The  Hague  on  the  third  Monday  in  October. 
For  a  little  while  hopes  were  founded  on 
this  session,  and  the  Representatives  of 
the  Southern  provinces  gathered  together 
there  with  marked  ceremony,  particularly 
those  Deputies  belonging  to  the  Opposition, 
in  order  to  give  to  the  King  proof  of  their 
devotion  to  the  reigning  dynasty. 

This  was  also  the  period  fixed  upon  for 
the  celebration  of  the  Princess  Marianne's 
marriage  to  Prince  Albert  of  Prussia.  The 
day  the  King  left  Brussels  I  had  promised 
him  to  be  present  at  the  wedding,  and  I 
wished  to  keep  my  word,  despite  the  sub- 
sequent events.  Provided  with  an  English 

no 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


passport,  (so  as  not  to  have  to  apply  to 
those  who  had  come  into  power  since  the 
Revolution,)  I  remained  only  a  few  hours 
at  Brussels. 

My  arrival  became  known.  Where  I  was 
going  was  also  known ;  and  during  the  three 
hours  I  spent  at  Brussels,  several  persons 
of  note,  who  had  on  the  impulse  of  the 
moment  taken  part  in  the  revolutionary 
movement,  came  to  me  to  express  their 
disgust  and  aversion  regarding  what  had 
happened;  still  others  wrote  me  they  did 
not  doubt  that  the  King's  authority  would 
soon  be  re-established  at  Brussels,  and  I  was 
asked,  in  speaking  to  the  King,  to  plead 
the  necessity  which  had  led  to  the  cir- 
cumstances in  which  some  of  them  found 
themselves,  and  which  had  led  them  further 
than  they  desired  to  go. 

I    was  promised    frank    co-operation   in 

favor  of  the  restoration,  under  guaranty  of 
in 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1S30 


certain  concessions,  —  the  King's  pledge  of 
great  moderation,  his  willingness  to  forget 
what  had  happened,  his  pardon  for  v 


committed.     But,  above  all,  I  was  told: 

"Obtain  the  certainty  of  the  safety  of 
our  persons  and  of  our  property.  As  to 
the  rest,"  they  added,  ''we  know  yon,  and 
we  grant  you  full  freedom  for  any  steps  yon 
may  wish  to  take,  and  we  promise  that 
whatever  you  shall  have  done  or  agreed  to 
in  our  name  at  The  Hague,  will  be  ratified 
by  us." 

Several  hours  later,  as  day  was  breaking, 
I  got  into  my  post-chaise,  and  drove  to  The 
Hague,  clothed,  as  it  has  been  seen,  with 
full  power  by  some  of  those  who  bad  be- 
come more  involved  than  they  wished  in 
the  terrible  catastrophe  which  had  dis- 
tracted the  country  and  put  everything  at 

.".  1.  1  IT 

The  month  that  fiiiii^ral  Iln  r*i  nl   of  the 

112 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


22nd,  23rd  and  24th  of  August  gave  much 
food  for  thought.  No  one  knew  how  things 
would  end.  Some  wished  a  Republic; 
others,  reunion  with  France;  while  many 
desired  only  the  re-establishment  of  King 
William  I,  but  with  a  representative  Gov- 
ernment, ministerial  responsibility,  suitable 
guarantee  and  concessions,  and  perhaps, 
also,  the  administrative  separation  of  the 
two  large  divisions  of  the  Kingdom. 

The  authority  of  the  King,  thus  restored, 
would  have  had  a  great  chance  of  success. 

The  overthrow  of  authority  had  to  a 
large  extent  brought  its  own  retribution; 
people  had  grown  tired  of  living  from  day 
to  day;  they  had  no  confidence  in  the 
provisional  arrangements  of  the  moment, 
and  much  doubt  as  to  the  future;  they 
feared  being  attacked  at  any  instant  by 
the  troops  commanded  by  Prince  Frederic, 
stationed  between  Antwerp  and  Brussels. 
«  113 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


The  streets  of  Brussels  remained  bar- 
ricaded; one  of  the  barricades  had  to  be 
raised,  to  let  my  post-chaise  pass.  On  the 
following  day  of  my  journey  to  The  Hague, 
I  arrived  at  the  home  of  Baron  Henri  Fagel, 
formerly  Ambassador  at  London,  who  had 
kindly  invited  me  to  lodge  at  his  house. 
Baron  Henri  Fagel  was  one  of  those  men 
whom  one  seldom  meets — a  man  of  wide 
experience,  just,  intelligent,  calm  in  his 
judgment,  and  very  devoted,  by  reason  of 
long  service,  to  the  House  of  Orange-Nassau, 
without  ignoring  the  King's  faults,  which 
he  deplored  as  much  as  I. 

During  the  entire  time  of  my  visit  at 
The  Hague,  I  was  happy  in  the  midst  of 
his  excellent  family;  I  had  for  a  long  time 
been  intimately  associated  with  his  brother, 
the  Lieutenant-General,  Aide-de-Camp  of 
the  King,  and  his  Minister  Plenipotentiary 

at    Paris.      A    third    brother,    likewise    a 

114 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


man  of  great  merit,  was  a  Councillor  of 
State. 

The  King,  as  soon  as  he  saw  me,  came 
toward  me  eagerly: 

"I  am  longing  to  have  a  talk  with  you," 
he  said  to  me.  "I  thank  you  for  having 
come;  but,  unfortunately,  I  have  not  an 
hour  that  I  can  give  you  to-day." 

"To-morrow  is  the  opening  of  the  States- 
General  ;  and  the  day  after  is  the  marriage 
of  Princess  Marianne.  I  shall  ask  you 
to  come  to  my  study  at  the  very  earliest 
moment  possible.  I  must  have  full  leisure 
for  a  long  talk  with  you." 

Three  days  passed  without  my  being 
able  to  see  His  Majesty  except  in  his  salon 
and  at  dinner. 

I  was  present  at  the  marriage  of  the 
Princess  Marianne,  which  took  place  in 
the  evening  at  the  Palace.  Sadness  was 
marked  on  every  countenance;  the  ad- 

"5 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


dress  by  the  King's  chaplain  was  full  of 
allusions  to  current  events.  The  King, 
his  head  lowered,  was  frequently  obliged  to 
place  his  hat  before  his  eyes  so  as  to  conceal 
the  tears  which  fell  from  them.  Was  this 
due  to  a  presentiment  that  this  ill-mated 
union  was  soon  to  produce  sad  results  and 
bring  trouble  to  his  old  age? 

Alas!  that  evening,  which  I  shall  never 
forget,  was  the  saddest  imaginable! 


116 


XVIII 

A  PROVISIONAL  Government  had  just  been 
set  up  at  Brussels.  Each  day  brought  new 
adherents;  and  yet  there  was  a  general 
feeling  of  unrest;  people  lived  in  suspense, 
not  knowing  what  was  going  to  happen  to 
them. 

Thinking  men,  who  had  allied  themselves 
to  the  movement  only  in  order  to  obtain 
from  the  King  such  concessions  as  were 
reasonable,  just,  and  rendered  necessary 
by  the  circumstances,  but  who  had  never 
intended  carrying  their  objections,  their 
complaints,  their  demands  for  redress  o£ 
wrongs  to  the  point  of  a  revolution  aimed 
at  wresting  the  Royal  power  from  the  House 
of  Orange- Nassau — these  men  were  com- 
mencing to  be  anxious  concerning  the  out- 

117 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


come  of  those  events  which  had,  in  their 
opinion,  changed  the  real  issue;  and  they 
showed  themselves  very  strongly  disposed 
to  seize  the  first  opportunity  to  support 
such  concessions  as  might  have  been  ob- 
tained from  a  better  advised  sovereign. 

On  the  day  after  the  wedding,  the  Mem- 
bers of  the  States-General  came  to  offer 
their  homage  and  congratulations  to  the 
newly-married  couple.  Everyone  was  there. 
The  diplomats  representing  the  opposition 
advanced  by  the  Southern  provinces  were 
in  full  attendance,  and  counted  on  being 
much  noticed  in  the  court  salons. 

Among  the  various  groups,  there  could 
be  heard,  spoken  in  lowered  tones,  the 
words  "administrative  separation  between 
the  Northern  and  Southern  provinces," 
the  speakers  suggesting  that,  under  the 
same  sceptre,  of  course,  this  would  be  a 
means  of  pacifying  the  country  and  of 

118 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


assuring  a  happy  future.  It  seemed  to 
these  people  as  though  this  was  really  the 
most  efficacious  means  of  overcoming  every 
difficulty  and  of  quieting  men's  minds; 
they  had  no  doubt  that  this  would  an- 
swer every  purpose  and  would  save  the 
Kingdom  of  the  Netherlands  and  the 
dynasty. 

Others  went  still  further  in  their  ideas: 
they  saw  in  the  revolutionary  movement 
which  had  taken  place  in  the  Southern  pro- 
vinces, merely  the  rising  in  arms  of  Brussels, 
which  they  called  the  rebel  city, — an  uprising 
that  should  be  quelled  by  force.  To  listen 
to  them,  all  this  was  easy  to  do.  The 
majority  of  these  people  did  not  believe  that 
a  real  revolution  was  in  progress.  They 
appeared  convinced  that  everything  was 
going  to  arrange  itself. 

However,  the  Conference  of  London  had 

already  assembled  to  take  up  the  question, 

119 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


and  to  deliberate  on  the  destiny  of  the  two 
divided  countries. 

The  King  took  advice  upon  advice, 
without  coming  to  any  decision.  Fi- 
nally, His  Majesty,  with  whom  I  had 
the  honor  to  dine  almost  every  day, 
approached  me,  and  said  in  a  low 
voice: 

"I  shall  expect  you  to-morrow  morning, 
at  seven  o'clock,  in  my  study." 

"Sire,  I  shall  be  punctual  in  presenting 
myself  for  your  orders.  It  is  high  time; 
for  I  am  on  the  point  of  departing;  I  have 
left  my  family  at  Argenteau  where  they 
are  not  particularly  safe  at  this  moment, 
a  short  distance  from  Verviers,  the  centre 
of  a  populous  class  of  factory  workmen, 
many  of  whom  are  now  out  of  work.  I  shall 
remain  here,  if  I  can  be  of  any  service  to 
Your  Majesty;  otherwise,  I  shall  hasten  to 
join  my  family." 

120 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


"Well,  then,  to-morrow!"  replied  the 
King. 

For  several  days  I  had  prepared  myself 
for  this  conversation,  in  which  I  had  fully 
decided  to  go  to  the  bottom  of  things,  to 
express  myself  clearly,  frankly,  and  without 
any  reticence ;  and  all  the  more  so,  because, 
since  my  arrival  at  The  Hague,  I  had  re- 
ceived news  of  the  utmost  gravity,  which 
I  thought  important  to  communicate  to 
His  Majesty.  On  the  next  day,  therefore, 
I  presented  myself  at  the  King's  palace, 
at  the  appointed  hour. 


121 


XIX 

I  FOUND  His  Majesty  in  his  study.  As 
soon  as  I  entered,  the  King  asked  me  to  be 
seated,  and  to  tell  him  what  I  thought  of 
the  events  which  had  recently  taken  place 
at  Brussels.  He  added: 

"I  have  confidence  in  you,  and  wish  to 
act  in  accordance  with  what  you  shall  tell 
me." 

"Sire,  I  left  Brussels  the  morning  of  the 
very  same  day  on  which  Your  Majesty 
departed.  I  returned  there  to  sign  the  offi- 
cial reports  of  the  Commission  of  the  Ex- 
position, the  very  day  that  the  initial  rioting 
after  the  opera  was  followed  by  the  burning 
of  the  Minister  of  Justice's  residence.  Soon 
after  that,  I  returned  to  my  own  estates, 
whence  I  have  just  come,  after  having  made 

122 


a* 


2° 

il/Liiftd*ed 


<if  tsie  <Jte£n&i4<indAf 


laud 

eX 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


a  few  hours'  stay  at  Brussels. — But  Your 
Majesty  must  be  thoroughly  informed  of 
what  has  gone  on  there.  The  Governor 
still  fulfills  his  administrative  functions; 
he  must  have  found  means  of  keeping  you 
informed  both  as  to-  men  and  affairs.  If 
you  will  kindly  tell  me  of  his  last  reports 
to  you,  I  can  the  more  easily  tell  you 
what  I  think  and  state  the  reasons  for  my 
opinions." 

"I!"  exclaimed  the  King.  "7  receive 
reports  from  Brussels !  I  have  no  one  there 
who  reports  anything  to  me." 

"And  did  Your  Majesty  send  no  one 
there  to  be  on  the  spot  and  give  you 
information?  .  .  .  But  I  ask  your  par- 
don. It  is  unbelievable  that  the  King 
has  hitherto  remained  in  entire  ig- 
norance of  all  the  happenings  at 
Brussels." 

"It  is  true,"  answered  the  King,  "that 
123 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


the  Government  which  calls  itself  'provi- 
sional,' has  left  the  Governor  at  his  post; 
but  of  what  use  can  he  be  to  me." 

"Well,  then,  send  someone  who  can 
inform  you  of  the  true  state  of  affairs!" 

"I  know  of  no  one  here  who  would  wish 
to  be  charged  with  such  a  mission,"  the 
King  replied. 

During  the  day,  I  met  a  man  of  high  rank 
at  Brussels,  whom  I  knew  to  be  well  quali- 
fied for  undertaking  such  a  mission  with 
zeal  and  intelligence.  He  accepted  the 
proposition  which  I  made  to  him  in  this 
matter,  and  I  had  him  visit  one  of  the 
King's  secretaries  where  it  was  decided  that 
he  should  go  to  Brussels,  there  to  make 
reports  to  Prince  Frederic,  who  would  trans- 
mit them  to  the  King. 

All  this  went  on  very  slowly,  and  resulted 
in  information  regarding  events  at  Brussels 

only. 

124 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


But  now  I  must  no  longer  interrupt  my 
narrative. 

Thus,  not  only  did  the  King  know  noth- 
ing of  the  happenings  at  Brussels,  but 
Prince  Frederic  himself — Commander-in- 
Chief  of  the  army  corps  of  thirty  thousand 
men  drawn  up  in  front  of  Antwerp,  did 
not  even  have — or  so  it  appeared — any 
information  of  these  happenings, — which 
seems  absolutely  incomprehensible! 

The  King,  as  I  have  already  said,  did  not 
wish  to  employ  the  word  "revolution"  to 
characterize  events  at  Brussels,  and  else- 
where in  the  Southern  Provinces.  He 
maintained  that  Brussels  alone  was  in  a 
state  of  rebellion;  while  there  might  indeed 
have  been  some  troubles  at  Liege,  attribut- 
able to  the  weakness  of  Governor  Sandberg; 
but  that  Flanders,  Haiman,  Namur  and  a 
part  of  Limbourg  had  never  been  under  the 
wing  of  his  authority. 

125 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


All  these  reservations  resulted  solely  from 
the  King's  utter  ignorance  of  the  state  of 
affairs,  and  of  men's  minds.  They  would 
have  been  entirely  admissible  between  per- 
sons dispassionately  discussing  events,  espe- 
cially events  belonging  to  long  past  history. 
But  for  those  who  had  to  examine  accom- 
plished facts,  and  burning  questions  of  the 
present,  this  was  a  sad  way  of  losing  time, 
and  precious  time  at  that.  The  King  was, 
moreover,  entirely  mistaken  in  imputing 
to  weakness  the  wise  course  that  Mynheer 
Sandberg  had  followed  at  Liege. 

I  cut  short  useless  and  aimless  repetitions 
in  saying  to  the  King  that  His  Majesty 
had  been  ill-informed;  that  the  insignia  of 
Royalty  had  disappeared  not  only  at  Brus- 
sels but  in  all  the  Southern  Provinces ;  that 
at  Liege,  if  the  Governor  was  to  be  blamed 
for  having  appointed  a  Commission  of 

Public  Safety,  composed  of  the  most  honor- 

126 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


able  citizens,  in  order  to  prevent  the  danger 
—in  a  country  manufacturing  arms — of 
having  the  store-houses  fall  into  the  hands 
of  the  laborers — I  also  was  to  be  blamed  as 
much  as  he,  for  I  was  equally  involved  in 
every  act  passed  by  this  Governor  during 
those  latter  days.  Then  I  added: — The 
King  must  have  no  illusions  concerning 
the  result  of  these  events  in  the  Southern 
Provinces;  the  revolution  was  going  for- 
ward there  at  great  strides,  and  if  he  had 
any  means  to  stop  it  or  only  of  lessening 
it,  he  had  better  employ  them.  It  is  high 
time  that  the  Royal  authority  should  be 
exercised  with  prudence  and  firmness; 
otherwise  God  knows  whither  we  are 
tending. 

"Well,  then,  what  is  there  to  do?"  said 
the  King,  who,  without  interruption,  had  lis- 
tened to  me  in  silence.  "Come!  What 

course  do  you  think  should  be  adopted?" 
127 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


I  did  not  hesitate  in  answering  this  ques- 
tion; I  was  prepared  for  it. 

"Sire,  this  is  no  longer  a  time  for  tem- 
porizing. An  important  step  must  be 
taken.  There  must  be  an  administrative 
separation  between  the  two  great  parts  of 
the  Kingdom,  in  conformity  with  the  legis- 
lative Chambers  which  compose  the  States- 
General,  and  we  must  put  the  question  to 
them  frankly." 

"First  of  all,  in  answer  to  this,"  said  the 
King,  "I  will  tell  you  that  the  question 
has,  at  this  very  moment,  already  been 
submitted  to  the  Legislature." 

"I  am  not  unaware  of  that,  Sire.  But 
I  shall  take  the  liberty  of  calling  Your 
Majesty's  attention  to  the  fact  that  every- 
thing depends  on  the  manner  of  submitting 
the  question.  Everyone  is  convinced  that, 
in  putting  the  question,  as  you  have  done, 

without  stating  your  motive,  without  re- 

128 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


vealing  your  true  thought  concerning  the 
importance  of  the  end  to  be  attained,  you 
are  opening  a  free  field  for  the  interpreta- 
tion of  your  thoughts,  and  one  which  people 
will  not  fail  to  make  the  most  of  in  a  con- 
trary sense.  By  this  I  mean  that  the  public 
will  consider  your  action  as  an  attempt,  in  a 
general  way,  towards  pacifying  the  upris- 
ings in  the  provinces;  but  that,  at  bottom, 
you  will  be  best  satisfied  if  the  proposition 
is  rejected. 

"If,  on  the  other  hand,  you  are  convinced, 
as  am  I  and  many  others,  that  the  adoption 
of  this  plan  is  the  part  of  wisdom,  and  will 
best  contribute  to  the  peace  and  quiet  of 
our  country,  then  the  question  should  be 
submitted  in  another  form.  You  should  say 
that,  convinced  of  the  necessity  of  bringing 
about  a  great  change  in  the  Administration , 
you  have  many  reasons  for  believing  that 
the  administrative  separation  of  the  North- 

9  129 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


ern  and  Southern  Provinces  should  be  de- 
termined upon;  and  that  you  therefore 
submit  the  solution  of  the  problem  to  the 
decision  of  the  States-General.  Unless  I 
am  greatly  mistaken,  the  majority  of  the 
Assembly  will  express  themselves  in  favor 
of  administrative  separation  under  the  same 
sceptre,  and  a  great  step  will  be  achieved 
towards  the  re-establishment  of  order,  and 
the  pacification  of  men's  minds  throughout 
the  country.  Should  any  trouble  or  in- 
convenience result,  any  embarrassment 
from  this  division,  either  by  reason  of  mate- 
rial interests,  or  otherwise — why,  then  the 
only  consequence  would  be  a  return  to  the 
governmental  fusion,  and  such  fusion,  thus 
asked  for  by  both  sides  simultaneously, 
would,  in  the  future,  become  all  the  more 
solid  and  more  firmly  established. 

"The  first  point  obtained,  there  remains 
a  second  no  less  important.     It  is  that  you 

130 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


yourself,  Sire,  should  issue  from  this  atmos- 
phere of  irritation  in  which  you  here  are 
living,  and  that  you  should  dwell  nearer  the 
places  where  the  uprisings  are.  You  might, 
for  instance,  go  to  Antwerp,  where  you 
would  be  perfectly  safe  by  reason  of  the 
strategic  position  of  the  city,  its  citadel, 
its  harbor,  and  your  army  which  is  as- 
sembled in  the  neighborhood.  Thither, 
you  might  be  preceded  by  a  proclamation 
announcing  that,  having  come  to  review 
your  army,  and  finding  yourself  so  near  to 
Brussels,  you  desire  to  seize  the  occasion 
to  address  some  words  of  peace  and  concilia- 
tion to  the  inhabitants;  that  you  are  even 
willing  to  receive  a  deputation  composed 
of  important  citizens  commissioned  to  ex- 
press to  you  the  national  hopes  and  desires, 
and  that  you  will  grant  just  and  reasonable 
requests  in  reference  to  what  they  consider 
the  grievances  against  the  Government. 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


But  the  King  must,  at  the  same  time, 
choose  a  man  in  whose  principles,  character, 
and  position  he  can  sufficiently  trust,  and 
charge  him  with  a  secret  mission  to  the  most 
influential  citizens  involved  in  the  revolu- 
tionary movement, — men  who  at  heart, 
anxious  concerning  the  hidden  future,  shall 
willingly  seize  as  a  plank  of  safety,  this 
opportunity  for  reconciliation." 


132 


XX 

THE  King  had  listened  to  me  without 
interruption,  and  with  great  attention; 
I  had  reached  even  further  than  I  had 
thought  into  his  troubled  mind.  Seizing 
this  moment  to  go  still  further  in  moving 
him,  I  said: 

"Last  night,  when  I  was  thinking  deeply 
concerning  the  weighty  matters  that  we 
were  going  to  discuss  at  the  interview  which 
you  were  so  kind  as  to  fix  for  this  morning, 
I  took  my  pen,  and,  lighting  my  lamp, 
rapidly  drafted  a  plan  of  proclamation,  to 
be  signed  by  Your  Majesty  and  published 
upon  your  arrival  at  Antwerp.  But  since 
my  conversation  with  you,  I  see  it  is  of  no 
use." 

"But  not  at  all,  you  are  quite  wrong," 
133 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


the  King  answered  quickly.     "  Show  it  to 
me." 

"Sire,  you  must  excuse  me,  as  it  is  hardly 
legible.  However,  if  Your  Majesty  desires 
it,  I  shall  read  it  to  you;  and  what  encour- 
ages me,  I  admit,  is  that  I  wished  to  have  the 
opinion  of  the  three  Fagel  brothers  concern- 
ing it,  and  they  all  approved,  and  strongly 
urged  me  to  bring  it  to  your  attention. 
Thus  it  is  in  a  spirit  of  obedience  far  more 
than  from  personal  vanity  that  I  now  ven- 
ture to  read  it  to  you,  with  Your  Majesty's 
permission. — This,  then,  is  the 

"PROCLAMATION. 

"I  have  come  to  Antwerp;  and  at  the 
same  time  that  I  am  reviewing  my  troops 
assembled  under  the  walls  of  this  city,  I 
wish  to  have  you,  citizens  of  Brussels  and 
of  the  Southern  Provinces,  hear  some  words 
of  peace  and  conciliation. 

134 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


"I  have  just  submitted  to  the  Assembly 
of  the  States-General  the  question  of  the 
separation,  as  far  as  the  administration  is 
concerned,  of  the  two  great  divisions  of  the 
Kingdom,  a  proposition  which  I  believe  is 
in  the  general  interest. 

"I  am  ready  to  listen  to  the  wishes  of 
intelligent  men,  even  those  who  were  in- 
volved in  the  uprising  at  Brussels,  a  move- 
ment which  perhaps  was  to  some  extent 
instigated  from  abroad. 

"I  thank  the  National  Guard  for  the  ser- 
vices it  has  rendered  in  these  circumstances. 

"Now  that  quiet  has  been  restored,  I  wish 
the  National  Guard  to  work  together  with 
the  troops  of  the  line  who  will  to-morrow 
resume  their  usual  service  in  Brussels. 

"No  one  need  be  disturbed  by  the  opi- 
nions he  has  voiced,  or  by  his  conduct  during 
this  time  of  trouble.  Force  will  be  used 
only  against  factious  resistance  and  against 
135 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


those  vagrants  who  thrive  on  disorder  and 
who  breed  insurrection. 

"Decreed  in  my  Palace  at  Antwerp,  the 

"WILLIAM  1st, 
"King  of  the  Netherlands" 

After  I  had  finished  my  plan  for  the 
proclamation,  the  King,  who  had  listened 
attentively,  said  to  me: 

"I  have  no  objection  to  make  as  regards 
your  expression  of  sentiments  of  concilia- 
tion and  generosity,  which  I  really  feel; 
but  I  consider  that  you  have  committed 
me  too  far  in  the  matter  of  the  separate 
administration,  and  the  changes  which 
must  result  from  such  a  step." 

"Will  you  not,  Sire,  believe  that  things 
have  now  come  to  a  pass  where  your  words 
must  be  accompanied  by  a  pledge  of  cer- 
tainty that  shall  leave  no  room  for  doubt 

136 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


as  to  your  intentions?  The  time  is  press- 
ing; you  must  endeavor  to  make  some 
impression  on  the  minds  of  your  citizens, 
and  convince  them  that  you  wish  to  adopt 
an  entirely  new  course  and  that  you  will 
boldly  approach  the  question  of  those  neces- 
sary reforms,  whose  establishment  has 
become  indispensable." 

"Well,  let  us  consider,"  said  the  King. 
' '  Who  is  there  to  send  to  Brussels  to  become 
fully  informed  of  what  has  happened,  and 
upon  what  we  may  count?  Truly,  I  know  of 
no  one  who  can  properly  fulfill  this  mission." 

"You  have  no  one,  you  say,  Sire.  Well, 
in  that  case,  I  offer  myself — I  place  myself 
at  your  disposal.  —  Will  Your  Majesty 
appear  in  person  to-morrow  morning  at 
Antwerp,  there  to  sign  and  forward  to 
Brussels  the  proclamation  which  I  have 
just  read  to  you?  I  shall  leave  to-night; 
and  twenty-four  hours  after  your  arrival, 
137 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


I  guarantee  to  bring  to  you  some  of  the 
most  influential  men  of  the  revolutionary 
party  who,  anxious  over  the  future  of  the 
country,  will  ask  for  nothing  more  at  present 
than  the  re-establishment  of  your  authority, 
under  certain  conditions  which  can  be 
discussed  in  your  presence,  and  which,  I 
feel  assured,  will  end  by  being  accepted. 

"You  have  thirty  thousand  men  between 
Antwerp  and  Brussels.  A  King,  who,  in 
the  midst  of  his  army,  grants,  in  response 
to  the  desire  of  the  nation,  concessions  de- 
manded almost  universally,  is  not  speaking 
a  language  which  can  be  imputed  to  weak- 
ness. It  is  not  tainted  by  fear;  it  does 
not  imply  a  forced  surrender.  If  the  King 
yields  under  such  circumstances,  it  is  a 
recognition  of  an  opportunity  and  of  justice, 
and  because  he  wishes  to  grant  concessions 
freely  consented  to  by  him  as  a  benefaction 

to  the  nation. 

138 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


"We  all  know  that  the  National  Guard 
has  been  factious,  in  permitting  itself  to 
be  influenced  by  the  revolutionary  party. 
It  has  shown  itself  weak  in  principle,  and 
powerless  to  check  disorder.  But  you, 
Sire,  should  see  only  the  service  rendered 
under  these  difficult  circumstances.  Your 
troops  should  re-enter  Brussels  preceded  by 
the  National  Guard;  and  if  there  is  any 
resistance,  instigated  perhaps  not  without 
foreign  support,  the  Guard  shall  encounter 
the  fire.  Your  troops  will  then  have  the 
opportunity  to  avenge  the  insult  given  the 
flag,  on  that  fatal  day  of  the  insurrection." 

I  had  made  a  strong  impression  upon  the 
King  by  the  force  and  ardor  of  my  re- 
marks, no  less  than  by  the  justice  of  the 
reflections  which  I  submitted  to  his  judg- 
ment; but  he  soon  found  a  subterfuge  in 
pleading  that  his  departure  from  The  Hague 
thus  unforeseen,  and  to  some  extent  secre- 
139 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


tive,  would  be  misinterpreted  in  the  North- 
ern Provinces.  To  strengthen  his  argu- 
ment, he  advanced  a  reason  that  I  was  not 
able  to  contradict.  He  told  me  that  he 
had  news  from  Amsterdam,  informing  him 
of  the  disturbed  state  of  mind  of  its  citizens, 
and  His  Majesty  sought  to  make  me  under- 
stand that  he  did  not  well  know  how  he 
stood  in  the  Northern  Provinces.  How- 
ever, I  had  a  reply  ready  for  him,  and  said, 
that  in  any  case,  the  forty-eight  hours' 
absence  that  I  asked  of  him  would  not  leave 
sufficient  time  for  an  attempt  at  insurrec- 
tion, an  act  which  would  not  be  at  all 
characteristic  of  the  nation.  The  King's  ob- 
jection was  reduced  to  its  true  worth.  But 
he  soon  found  another :  it  was  now  in  regard 
to  me  that  His  Majesty  evinced  anxiety. 
On  thanking  me  for  my  offer  to  go  to  Brus- 
sels, he  added: 

"You  are  not  thinking  of  the  personal 
140 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


danger  that  you  will  encounter.  You  may 
be  risking  your  life  there.  Brussels  is  full 
of  strangers,  of  emissaries,  it  may  be, 
from  a  neighboring  country.  These  men, 
who  have  participated  in  the  uprising 
in  our  Southern  Provinces,  will  not  fail 
to  seek  an  opportunity  of  getting  rid  of 
you." 

"As  far  as  my  life  is  concerned,  Sire,  that 
is  my  own  affair ;  and  you  may  believe  that 
I  understand  how  to  take  steps  to  avoid 
falling  into  any  trap." 

I  had  made  another  condition  in  connec- 
tion with  my  offer  to  go  to  Brussels.  Know- 
ing the  King's  suspicious  nature  I  expressed 
the  wish  to  be  accompanied  by  a  man  of  his 
choice,  who  would  act  as  a  witness  to  my 
words  and  deeds.  The  friendship  and  per- 
sonal esteem  which  the  Prince  of  Orange 
had  for  a  long  time  shown  me,  made  it, 
in  a  way,  obligatory,  in  circumstances  so 

141 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


decisive,  for  me  to  proffer  this  request. 
Thus  a  new  embarrassment,  a  new  perplex- 
ity, arose. 

"But  why  that?"  said  the  King,  with  an 
air  of  astonishment. 

My  reply  was  quite  simple. 

"In  so  serious  and  so  delicate  a  situation, 
one  which  may  bring  forth  new  and  un- 
foreseen incidents,  of  a  nature  impossible 
to  define  or  to  predict,  it  is  important  that 
I  should  be  accompanied  by  a  person  with 
whom  I  can  plan ;  and  then,  too,  it  is  natural 
that  I  should  think  of  how  best  to  render 
my  position  immune  from  all  false  steps  or 
interpretations. ' ' 

The  King  was  touched,  recognizing  my 
proceedings  as  a  proof  of  the  attachment, 
the  devotion  which  I  felt  for  him.  The 
interview,  which  had  been  prolonged  be- 
yond all  measure,  he  then  ended,  in  saying 

to  me: 

142 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


"I  will  reflect  on  all  these  matters" ;  and 
he  thanked  me  cordially  for  the  frankness 
with  which  I  had  spoken,  and  asked  me  to 
leave  with  him  the  plan  of  proclamation 
which  I  had  read  to  him.  It  was  to  no 
purpose  that  I  apologized  for  the  hasty 
manner  in  which  it  had  been  drawn  up,  for 
the  scrap  of  paper  that  I  had  used,  for  he 
took  the  document  from  my  hand  and  said : 
"I  wish  to  keep  it." 

The  King,  however,  called  my  attention 
to  the  fact  that  it  devolved  upon  Prince 
Frederic,  Commander-in-  Chief ,  of  the  army, 
to  issue  the  proclamation  of  which  His 
Royal  Highness  was  already  in  possession, 
and  whose  wording  had  been  deliberated 
upon  and  decreed  at  the  Council  of  Ministers. 
I  replied  that  I  hoped  it  had  been  couched 
in  conciliatory  terms,  but  that,  in  any  case, 
a  proclamation  invested  with  the  authority 
of  the  King's  signature  must  have  an  al- 
143 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


together  different  import  and  effect,  and 
would  in  consequence  echo  more  resound- 
ingly and  inspire  more  confidence  through- 
out the  country. 


144 


XXI 

WE  now  know  that  the  proclamation 
evolved  and  decreed  in  the  Council  was, 
on  the  contrary,  so  worded  as  to  result 
rather  in  arousing  armed  hostility  among 
men  previously  not  engaged  in  rebellion, 
than  in  causing  the  weapons  to  fall  from 
the  hands  of  others. 

I  ended  by  urging  the  King  not  to  direct 
any  of  the  Princes,  his  sons,  to  conduct  the 
attack  against  Brussels,  in  case  he  might 
wish  to  employ  force  there.  To  this,  the 
King  replied: 

"As  to  the  Prince  of  Orange,  no,  I  agree 
with  you  there.  But  as  to  Prince  Frederic, 
that  is  a  different  matter:  he  must  main- 
tain his  position  as  Commander-in-  Chief 
10  145 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


of  the  army,  composed  both  of  Belgians 
and  of  Dutch." 

And,  in  fact,  there  had  already  been  a 
failure  among  the  Belgian  soldiers  to  re- 
spond to  the  call  of  their  countrymen.  This 
consideration  should  have  appeared  to  him 
of  a  nature  to  cause  him  preferably  to  at- 
tempt the  adoption  of  a  plan  which  I  had 
advised,  regarding  reforms  to  be  introduced 
into  the  administration;  and  at  the  same 
time  to  yield  to  the  wishes  of  the  Southern 
Provinces  as  to  certain  concessions  which 
had  been  sought,  and  which  were  only  too 
just. 

Unfortunately,  the  King  was  swayed  by 
old  prejudices,  and  by  his  persistent  and 
characteristic  obstinacy.  Enclosed  in  the 
narrow  circle  of  his  habits,  his  was  no  longer 
a  free  mind;  a  heavy  veil  seemed  to  conceal 
from  it  the  menaces  of  the  near  future. 

Hesitation,  irresolution,  illusion,  irreparable 

146 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


loss  of  time — such  was  the  middle  course 
to  which  the  King  adhered,  not  giving 
thought  to  the  fact  that  the  Belgian  revo- 
lution was  at  this  time  establishing  its 
Government  through  acts  of  its  Congress, 
and  was  rallying  to  its  support  men  of 
hitherto  disturbed  and  uncertain  mind. 
His  Majesty  gave  equally  little  thought  to 
the  Conference  of  London  that  was  about 
to  weigh  in  its  diplomatic  balances  the 
errors  of  King  William,  the  resources  of  the 
ancient  provinces  of  Belgium,  the  impor- 
tance for  Europe  of  the  maintenance  of 
peace ;  and  that  was  to  proclaim  the  potency 
of  accomplished  deeds,  in  recognizing  Bel- 
gium as  a  State  separate  from  Holland  and 
established  as  a  neutral  monarchy.  This, 
in  itself,  gave  France  a  special  interest  in 
the  Belgian  question,  since  the  destruction 
of  the  line  of  fortifications  raised  against 
her  by  the  Treaty  of  1815,  and  the  creation 

H7 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


of  a  new  neutral  State  at  her  northern 
frontier,  proved,  in  fact,  a  first  blow  struck 
at  that  very  Treaty  of  Vienna,  and  a  verit- 
able peaceful  conquest  of  the  Revolution 
of  1830. 

The  King  ended  our  long  and  fruitless 
interview  in  dismissing  me  with  these  words : 

"We  shall  meet  again;  but  now  I  must 
think  over  the  important  object  of  our 
discussion." 

I  answered  His  Majesty  that  I  had  pro- 
longed my  stay  at  The  Hague  with  the 
sole  purpose  of  being  of  some  service  to 
him;  I  begged  him  to  be  willing  to  give  me 
his  orders  on  the  following  morning,  so 
that,  if  I  could  be  of  no  use  to  him,  I  might 
take  leave  of  the  King  during  the  day  and 
hasten  to  reach  Argenteau,  where  I  had 
left  my  family  exposed  to  the  dangers  aris- 
ing from  the  laborers  who  were  in  a  state  of 

insurrection  at  Verviers. 

148 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


The  following  morning — no  news  from 
the  King!  ...  In  view  of  this,  I  had  my 
post-chaise  prepared,  and  ordered  the  horses 
for  the  evening.  At  four  o'clock,  dressed 
in  my  Court  costume,  I  presented  myself 
at  His  Majesty's  palace  at  the  dinner  hour 
as  usual.  Dinner  ended,  I  approached  the 
King  and  asked  his  permission  to  take  leave 
of  him,  stating  that  I  was  about  to  depart 
for  home. 

' '  How  is  that  ?  You  are  abandoning  me ! 
You  are  leaving  me!"  said  the  King,  with 
an  air  of  astonishment. 

"Sire,  I  have  received  no  orders  from 
Your  Majesty ;  I  am  much  concerned  about 
my  family,  and  am  hastening  to  rejoin. 
them." 

Much  moved,  the  King  replied: 

"Ah,  well!  God  knows  when  or  where 
we  shall  meet  again!" 

I  went  to  say  farewell  to  my  excellent 
149 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


host  and  friend,  Baron  Henri  Fagel,  whom 
I  was  never  to  see  again!  .  .  .  He  died 
suddenly,  a  short  while  afterward. 

That  very  evening,  I  entered  my  post- 
chaise  and  did  not  descend  from  it  until  I 
stepped  into  the  court-yard  of  the  Chateau 
d'Argenteau. 


150 


XXII 

WHAT  had  happened  to  affect  the  King, 
with  whom  I  had  had  a  three  hours'  interview 
on  the  previous  evening,  and  who,  seemingly 
much  impressed  by  the  turn  our  conversa- 
tion had  taken,  had  said  to  me  on  leaving: 
"We  shall  meet  again;  I  have  need  for 
further  reflection  before  deciding"? 

What,  I  ask,  had  happened  that  on  the 
next  day  there  was  no  mention  of  my 
question  .  .  .  and  that  he  saw  me  depart, 
without  expressing  any  other  regret  than 
in  phrases  of  mere  politeness?  .  .  . 

On  all  this  I  was  sufficiently  enlightened 
during  the  morning  of  the  very  day  I  left. 
I  met  a  certain  distinguished  person  whom 
the  King  (as  I  had  expected)  had  consulted 
on  the  subject  of  our  interview,  but  with- 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


out  mentioning  my  name.  This  person,  of 
high  rank,  informed  by  me  in  advance,  and 
not  wishing,  in  the  King's  presence,  to 
appear  in  full  agreement  with  me  as  to  the 
matter  of  Antwerp  and  the  proclamation, 
had  replied: 

''The  advice  may  be  good,  but  we 
must  examine  the  question  seriously, 
etc."  .  .  . 

Whereupon  the  King  said  to  this  distin- 
guished person: 

"Such,  also,  is  my  opinion.  Serious 
reflection  is  necessary,  and  I  shall  ponder 
the  question  further." 

Events  change  men's  situations,  but  do 
not  change  their  character. 

King  William  I  had  remained  and  must 
still  remain  as  he  was:  shrewd  in  financial 
affairs,  contentious,  and  given  to  detail; 
his  mind  generally  undecided,  meticulous, 
always  very  keen  on  the  question  of  money, 

152 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


and  yet  eternally  suspicious,  and  naturally 
hesitant,  when  anything  of  importance  was 
to  be  done.  Lacking  the  statesman's  in- 
sight, and  a  stranger  to  all  questions  in- 
volved in  statesmanship,  and,  above  all, 
unable  to  understand  the  spirit  of  the  time, 
King  William  was  to  remain  the  pawn  of 
events,  ever  powerless  to  weigh  their 
significance. 

I  had  occasion  during  my  stay  at  The 
Hague  again  to  see  the  Prince  of  Orange 
who,  as  always,  evinced  sentiments  of 
affectionate  consideration.  I  asked  him 
how  he  had  been  affected  by  a  letter  still 
unanswered,  which  I  had  the  honor  to 
address  to  him  at  Vilvorde,  in  which  I  had 
expressed  my  regret  at  his  determination 
to  appear  at  Brussels,  without  at  least 
trying,  during  his  stay  in  that  city,  (then 
in  a  state  of  open  revolt,)  to  seek  to  quiet 
the  minds  of  some  of  the  citizens,  in  giving 
153 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


them  hope  through  his  co-operation  as  a 
mediator,  etc. 

His  sole  reply  was: 

"My  dear  friend,  you  know  my  father!" 
Alas!  (I  have  asked  myself,)  why  did  the 
Prince,  who  well  knew  the  nature  of  his 
father,  the  King,  take  part  in  that  unhappy 
action  in  which  he  was  placed  in  charge  at 
Antwerp,  and  which  I  am  about  to  relate? 


154 


XXIII 

ON  departing  from  The  Hague,  I  left 
the  King  occupied,  as  I  have  said,  with 
preparations  for  the  attack  on  Brussels, 
thirty  thousand  men  having  been  assembled 
under  the  command  of  Prince  Frederic 
between  Antwerp  and  Brussels.  General 
Chasse  occupied  the  citadel;  the  proclama- 
tion decreed  by  the  Council  was  ready  to 
be  published;  and  all  the  while  the  States- 
General  was  in  session  at  The  Hague. 

No  one  had  any  doubt  concerning  the 
success  of  the  enterprise  of  the  main  army, 
and  the  re-establishment  of  the  King's 
authority  at  Brussels. 

The  attack  took  place;  but,  being  badly 
conducted,  it  was  unsuccessful.  The  troops 
which  had  worked  their  way  up  into  the 
155 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


park,  where  fighting  was  going  on,  (as  also 
in  some  of  the  streets)  were  repulsed  by  the 
volunteers  of  Brussels  and  Liege  supported 
by  the  National  Guard.  After  this  defeat, 
the  King  soon  had  recourse  to  another 
expedient;  and  this,  just  as  the  session  of 
the  States-General  was  ending, — a  session 
in  which  the  Deputies  of  the  Southern 
Provinces  still  figured  to  a  great  extent. 
With  the  citadel  at  Antwerp  defended  by 
the  General  Chasse  who  had  played  a  bril- 
liant part  in  the  campaigns  of  the  Empire; 
and  with  Prince  Frederic  at  the  head  of 
an  army  corps  of  thirty  thousand  men 
ranged  round  the  city,  the  King  conceived 
the  idea  of  sending  to  Antwerp  the  Prince 
of  Orange  clothed  with  extensive  powers 
to  calm  and  provisionally  to  govern  the 
Southern  Provinces. 

The  appointment  of  the  Prince  bore  the 
date  of  the  4th  of  October,  1830.     At  the 

156 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


same  time  a  kind  of  ministry  had  been 
named  to  act  as  the  Council  for  the  Prince 
of  Orange.  Among  the  members  of  this 
ministerial  body  were  the  Duke  d'Ursel; 
Monsieur  de  Lacoste,  Minister  of  the  Inte- 
rior; Monsieur  Van  Gobbelschroy,  the 
Minister  of  Public  Instruction;  Count  Van 
der  Duys;  and  Baron  Capelleu,  formerly 
the  Grand  Master  of  the  Queen's  Household 
and  Governor  of  the  Indies.  These  last  two, 
who  had,  in  a  way,  been  designated  by  public 
opinion,  did  not,  at  that  moment,  have  the 
King's  assent,  precisely  on  account  of  the 
justice  that  had  always  been  rendered  to 
their  wise  views  on  the  subject  of  the  de- 
manded concessions,  and,  in  general,  to 
their  opinions  concerning  the  Government's 
actions.  Other  deputies  of  the  Southern 
Provinces  had  also  come  to  Antwerp  on 
their  own  account,  and  in  order  to  find 
themselves  nearer  the  scene  of  events. 
157 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


Of  this  number  were  Monsieur  Surlet  de 
Chokier,  and  the  Count  de  Celles,  who  had 
been  the  King's  Ambassador  at  Rome,  in 
connection  with  the  affairs  of  the  Con- 
cordat. 

This  mission  of  the  Prince  Royal's  might 
have  been  useful,  and  might  even,  indeed, 
have  met  with  some  success,  had  he  been 
vested  with  sufficient  powers.  But  he  was 
far  from  having  such  authority.  A  strict 
line  had  been  mapped  out  for  him  to  follow, 
and  as,  at  heart,  the  King  preferred  to  make 
concessions  to  the  wishes  and  entreaties  of 
some  of  the  Belgian  Deputies,  than  to  confer 
a  very  positive  character  on  this  mission 
(of  which  he  expected  little),  the  result 
was  that  the  Prince  of  Orange  soon  found 
himself  in  a  most  intolerable  position, — one 
which  ended  in  his  injuring  himself  in  the 
eyes  of  members  of  all  parties. 

At  this  very  time,  the  National  Congress 
158 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


was  assembling  at  Brussels,   or,   at  least, 
was  preparing  to  seize  the  power. 

And  it  was  also  at  this  very  time  that  I 
received  at  my  country  home  at  Argenteau, 
a  letter  in  the  autograph  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange.  The  copy  of  this  letter  follows: 

"I  have  always  counted  on  your  friend- 
ship, my  dear  Count,  and  to-day,  in  our 
present  serious  state  of  affairs,  I  shall  ask 
you  for  a  new  proof  of  your  friendship. 
The  King  invested  me  with  great  power  in 
sending  me  to  Antwerp,  and  though  he  has 
surrounded  me  with  an  Advisory  Board, 
all  of  whose  members  were  named  by  him, 
he  has,  however,  allowed  me  the  privilege 
of  increasing  the  number  of  this  Board  by 
men  of  my  own  choice;  and  you  must  surely 
know,  my  dear  Mercy,  you  were  the  first 
I  thought  of  in  this  connection.  You  can 
be  of  great  service  to  me.  I  ask  you  to 
159 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


report  to  me,  therefore,  as  soon  as  possible, 
and  to  accept,  at  the  same  time,  the  re- 
newed assurance  of  my  most  affectionate 
sentiments." 

(Signed)  "  WILLIAM,  Prince  of  Orange." 

This  letter  came  to  me  as  a  miracle,  sur- 
rounded as  I  was  by  people  commissioned 
to  observe  whom  I  saw  and  what  I  did  in 
my  retreat  at  Argenteau.  .  .  .  For  the 
past  fortnight  a  rumor  had  spread  at  Liege, 
to  the  effect  that  I  was  forwarding,  by  way 
of  Maistricht,  the  correspondence  of  the 
Governor  of  Liege .  Monsieur  Sandberg  had 
urged  me  to  be  on  my  guard,  and  told  me 
that  a  letter  addressed  to  him  by  Prince 
Frederic  had  been  seized  and  published  in 
the  newspapers.  And  it  was  at  this  very 
time  that  a  man,  dressed  as  a  peasant, 
and  holding  in  his  hand  a  letter  bearing  the 

coat  of  arms  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  and 

1 60 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


addressed  in  his  autograph,  appeared  at  the 
Chateau  d'Argenteau,  after  having  crossed 
the  entire  region  of  Hermalle  without  being 
stopped.  The  letter  was  the  one  of  which 
I  have  just  spoken. 

I  thereupon  arranged  to  have  a  man  on 
guard  at  the  crossing  on  the  left  bank, 
(the  road  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Meuse 
no  longer  existed),  and  kept  a  saddle  horse 
ready  in  my  stables,  so  that,  if  need  arose, 
I  could  reach  Aix-la-Chapelle  by  the  cross- 
roads. 

I  should  certainly  not  have  hesitated  to 
reply  to  any  appeal  from  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  had  I  still  retained  any  hope  of 
being  of  use  to  him.  The  route  through 
Maistricht  remained  open,  making  it  pos- 
sible for  me  to  reach  Antwerp  through 
Dutch  territory;  the  devotion  which  I  had 
pledged  the  Prince,  and  which  was  fostered 
by  grateful  memories,  placed  me  under 

«  161 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


obligations  to  serve  him;  but  I  was  con- 
vinced that  I  could  no  longer  come  to  his 
aid  in  any  way,  and  that  he  himself  would 
only  compromise  his  future  if  he  persisted 
in  prolonging  his  stay. 

I  wrote  to  him  immediately  to  this  effect, 
sending  the  letter  by  a  sure  route;  and  I 
added  my  reasons  for  considering  his  posi- 
tion a  false  one,  and  full  of  danger  to  him- 
self. I  entreated  him  to  abandon  it  as 
quickly  as  possible,  and  to  return  to  The 
Hague. 

Unfortunately,  what  I  foresaw  did,  in- 
deed, happen.  The  Prince  of  Orange  was 
inveigled  into  signing  a  proclamation  in 
which  he  declared  that  he  would  himself 
head  the  movement  in  Belgium!  The 
Prince  sought  thereby  to  make  to  the  Bel- 
gian soldiers  of  the  army  an  appeal  that 
aimed  at  reuniting  them  under  his  command. 

This  strange  action,  (to  call  it  by  no  other 

162 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


name)  greatly  exasperated  the  King,  his 
father.  The  majority  of  the  members  of 
his  Council  handed  in  their  resignations, 
and  returned  to  their  homes.  General 
Chasse,  in  command  of  the  citadel,  was  on 
the  point  of  having  the  Prince  arrested, 
and  threatened  to  open  fire  on  the  city, 
with  his  cannons  that  stood  on  the  ram- 
parts. 

After  this  deplorable  course  of  action, 
(which  can  hardly  be  explained)  the  Prince 
announced  that  he  was  going  to  England. 
Was  this  with  the  idea  of  awaiting  at  Lon- 
don the  decision  of  the  Brussels  Congress, 
and  in  the  hope  of  being  elected  King  of 
Belgium,  in  view  of  his  declaration  regard- 
ing placing  himself  at  the  head  of  the-, 
revolutionary  movement  in  the  Southern. 
Provinces?  —  a  proclamation  for  which: 
alone  the  following  explanation  can  be 

offered. 

163 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


The  King  immediately  turned  his  thoughts 
towards  foiling  his  son's  election,  should 
the  Congress  consider  his  candidacy,  which, 
indeed,  was  not  at  all  probable.  The  plan 
was  to  compromise  the  Prince  in  Belgium. 
To  do  this,  it  was  necessary  to  hinder  his 
immediate  departure  for  England,  and  to 
request  him  to  present  himself  to  the  King, 
as  soon  as  possible,  at  The  Hague.  The 
King  did  not  confine  himself  to  sending  the 
Prince  a  most  friendly  invitation  but  he 
even  sent  the  Russian  Minister,  Count 
Gourieff,  to  await  him  at  the  crossing  of 
the  Moerdyck,  and  to  add  his  pleas  to  those 
of  the  King,  urging  the  Prince  to  go  at  once 
to  The  Hague,  as  the  King  necessarily 
wished  to  speak  to  him  before  his  departure 
for  England. 

On  the  very  day  of  the  Prince's  arrival 
the  King  and  his  son  were  seen  together  in 

the   public   promenades,    and   were   again 

164 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


seen  in  the  evening  at  the  opera,  where  they 
were  received  with  general  acclamations. 
Thereupon  they  embraced  one  another, 
while  the  orchestra  played  the  national  air. 
The  desired  effect  was  accomplished:  and 
people  spoke  of  the  Prince's  treachery 
towards  the  Congress  of  Brussels. 

Several  days  later,  the  King  said  to  the 
Prince : 

"Now  you  may  go  to  England;  it  will 
even  be  well  for  you  to  go  to  London,  as 
you  have  planned." 

The  Prince  of  Orange  set  off  for  England, 
leaving  the  King,  his  father,  without  any 
fear  of  possibly  seeing  his  son  proclaimed 
head  of  the  revolutionary  forces  in  Belgium ; 
and  of  this,  indeed,  there  had  never  been 
serious  consideration  at  Brussels.  A  mes- 
sage addressed  on  the  2Oth  of  October  to 
the  States-General  assembled  at  The 
Hague,  announced  that  the  Prince  of  Orange 

165 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


had  been  stripped  of  all  the  titles  and  posi- 
tions with  which  he  had  been  vested;  and, 
at  the  same  time,  his  conduct  at  Antwerp 
was  entirely  disapproved. 


166 


XXIV 

WHILE  these  events  were  taking  place, 
the  London  Conference  had  begun  its  proto- 
cols. For  King  William,  who  had  been 
called  to  the  throne  of  the  Netherlands  by 
the  Treaty  of  1815,  there  was,  it  must  be 
admitted,  an  element  of  humiliation,  on 
finding  himself  placed  by  the  London  Con- 
ference on  the  same  basis  as  revolutionary 
Belgium,  which  renounced  its  affiliations 
with  Holland.  Beginning  with  November 
I5>  1830,  there  had  been  a  tacit  recognition 
of  the  independence  of  Belgium,  and  Prince 
Talleyrand,  French  Ambassador  at  London, 
had  spoken  in  the  following  terms  to  the 
Prince  of  Orange,  when  he  met  him  at  some 
reception: 

"You  have  done  much  for  the  Belgians, 
167 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


Monseigneur,  but  you  have  not  done  enough. 
You  should  have  placed  the  crown  on  your 
head,  and  we  would  have  immediately  re- 
cognized you." 

Later,  the  letter  of  Count  Orloff  to  King 
William's  court  at  The  Hague  should  have 
at  last  opened  his  eyes,  and  made  him 
understand  that,  at  that  moment,  the 
thought  dominating  all  the  Cabinets  of 
Europe  was,  above  all,  the  fear  of  war ;  and 
that,  as  far  as  he  was  concerned,  the  game 
was  lost!  But  King  William  persevered, 
nevertheless,  in  his  course  of  resistance, 
for  which  there  was  no  longer  any  reason 
and  which  brought  much  misfortune  to 
his  country. 

His  recognition  and  direct  acceptance  of 
the  eighteen  articles  of  the  London  Con- 
ference would  have  greatly  embarrassed 
Belgium,  and  would  have  hindered  the 
establishment  of  that  country,  especially 

168 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


in  financial  respects.  For  it  would  have 
been  necessary  to  restore  to  King  William 
the  million  that  he  had  placed  in  the  trea- 
sury in  the  General  Society  established  and 
founded  by  him  at  Brussels.  Such  early 
liquidation  of  the  debt  would  have  greatly 
impeded,  had  it  not  entirely  prevented, 
Belgium's  ability  to  face  her  expenses. 

King  William's  resistance,  on  the  con- 
trary, facilitated  Belgium's  first  financial 
arrangements,  and  permitted  the  country 
to  establish  itself  with  King  William's 
money,  which  remained  in  her  coffers  to 
be  restored  to  him  only  long  afterwards, 
at  the  time  of  the  liquidation  agreed  upon 
and  decreed  between  the  two  States. 

France  had,  through  the  Ordinances  of 
July,  accomplished  her  revolution;  the 
Bourbons  had  been  overthrown  and  ban- 
ished. The  head  of  the  Orleans  branch,  in 
the  person  of  Louis  Philippe,  had  just  been 

169 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


raised  to  the  throne.  In  order  to  obtain 
the  recognition  of  the  Great  Powers,  he 
had  himself  tacitly  recognized  the  Treaty  of 
1815.  His  policy  was  obviously  and  fore- 
most to  obtain  the  recognition  of  England 
and  an  alliance  with  her;  and  this  was  the 
object  of  Prince  Talleyrand's  mission  to 
London.  Then,  again,  the  recognition  of 
Belgium  as  a  neutral  State,  would  make 
safe  the  French  frontiers,  thus  (by  an 
infraction  on  this  very  Treaty  of  1815) 
achieving  a  veritable  and  pacific  victory 
for  the  Revolution  of  July. 

Revolutions  are  (as  a  famous  writer 
has  said)  not  made,  but  happen.  And  in 
fact,  in  order  for  them  to  break  forth,  there 
must  be  a  concurrence  of  many  circum- 
stances, producing  a  division  in  men's 
minds;  and  there  is  involved  a  lack  of  fore- 
thought on  the  part  of  Governments  unable 
to  distinguish  what  is  just  from  what  is 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


exaggerated  in  the  complaints  addressed 
to  them,  and  in  those  demands  for  repara- 
tion advanced  by  wayward  or  deluded  souls, 
seeking  to  overthrow  the  established  order 
of  things. 

It  is  now  perfectly  clear  that  the  revolu- 
tion which  broke  forth  in  the  Southern 
Provinces  of  the  Netherlands  was  not  merely 
the  result  of  Governmental  errors  (although 
these  were  the  chief  cause),  but  that  the 
radical  Revolution  of  July  in  France  was  a 
necessary  element  translating  the  discon- 
tent existing  in  ancient  Belgium  into  a 
spirit  of  opposition  and  revolt. 

Does  this  mean  that  Louis  Philippe's 
Government  worked  in  an  underhanded 
manner  to  achieve  this  result  in  its  own 
interests,  which  at  that  time  may  have 
involved  the  division  of  the  neighboring 
Kingdom  created  by  the  Treaty  of  1815, — 

a  Kingdom  having  on  its  French  border 

171 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


a  line  of  fortresses  raised  against  France 
with  money  obtained  from  contributions 
levied  in  France  by  the  Allied  armies,  and 
constructed  under  the  direction  of  the 
Duke  of  Wellington? 

I  am  far  from  wishing  to  express  such 
an  accusation  without  proof. 

But  that  later  the  Government  of  Louis 
Philippe  had  keenly  observed  the  spirit 
of  discontent  and  opposition  constantly 
increasing  in  the  neighboring  provinces  of 
the  Netherlands;  and  that  it  adopted 
means  to  take  advantage  of  circumstances 
should  an  uprising  break  out  at  Brussels — 
means  tending  to  have  such  an  eventuality 
result  in  a  rupture  between  the  Northern  and 
Southern  Provinces  of  the  Kingdom  of  the 
Netherlands, — all  this  is  by  no  means  im- 
probable. And  I  will  say  even  more:  One 
day,  when  I  was  at  Paris,  in  the  salon  of 
the  Minister  of  the  Interior,  I  heard  from 

172 


v^^ 

cX 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


the  lips  of  a  person  who  occupied  a  very  high 
office  this  recital  of  the  revolution  of  Brus- 
sels: After  having  alluded  to  the  riot  at 
the  close  of  the  opera,  La  Muette,  and  the 
burning  of  the  residence  of  the  Minister  of 
Justice,  M.  Van  Maanen,  my  informant 
stated  that  it  seemed  as  if  the  skirmish 
should  have  stopped  there.  On  the  morrow, 
people  no  longer  knew  just  what  they 
wanted.  The  National  Guard,  disarmed  by 
the  people,  were  again  in  arms  on  the  fol- 
lowing day.  The  illuminations  prepared 
in  connection  with  the  celebration  of  the 
King's  birthday  on  the  24th  of  August,  were 
overturned.  No  one  knew  on  that  day  to 
what  purpose  this  orgy  of  the  streets 
tended;  and,  "in  truth,"  said  he,  "if  there 
had  been  a  man  of  any  presence  of  mind  at 
Brussels,  and  a  regiment  well  directed,  all 
would  have  ended  there,  and  order  would 
have  been  restored.  But  I  was  observing 

173 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


events  from  afar,  from  the  frontier,  where 
my  duties  were  keeping  me,"  added  this 
person  of  whom  I  speak;  and,  after  having 
looked  at  the  faces  around  him,  he  added 
these  very  words: 

"Fortunately,  I  had  the  word  of  com- 
mand. On  the  third  day,  the  insignia  of 
Royalty  were  everywhere  torn  down, 
dragged  under  foot:  it  was  revolution!" 

I  myself  had  witnessed  deeds  such  as 

Monsieur  related.  With  my  own  eyes 

I  had  seen  pieces  of  gold  drawn  forth  from 
the  pockets  of  peasants  in  ragged  blouses. 
And  though  I  admit  that  later  I  was  told 
that  Mons. was  in  the  habit  of  boast- 
ing, still  he  had  spoken  the  truth  in  this 
matter  ...  as  I  well  knew! 

However  these  facts  may  have  been,  let 
me  say  in  closing  the  subject,  that  had  it 
not  been  for  the  bad  management  on  the 
King's  part,  in  1825,  I  am  convinced  that 

174 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


the  ancient  Austrian-Belgian  provinces  an- 
nexed to  Holland  in  1815  in  the  creation 
of  the  Kingdom  of  the  Netherlands,  could 
have  continued  united  in  a  community  of 
interests,  despite  differences  of  habits  and 
customs  tending  to  cause  them  to  fall 
away.  These  differences  arose  from  the 
fact  that  Belgium  was  essentially  agricul- 
tural and  industrial,  with  a  fertile  soil,  and 
rich  in  many  different  kinds  of  minerals 
and  coal  mines  for  her  great  furnaces; 
while  Holland  possessed  immense  capital, 
rich  colonies,  and  a  navy  which  had  been 
commanded  by  such  Admirals  as  Tromp  and 
Reuter,  and  whose  annals  were  glorious  in 
deeds  of  war. 

From  the  very  beginning  of  the  union, 
all  that  would  have  been  necessary  for  a 
happy  guidance  of  men  and  affairs  would 
have  been  to  see,  on  this  throne  of  such  re- 
cent creation,  a  high-minded  Prince,  whose 
175 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


administrative  and  political  views  should 
have  been  equal  to  the  spirit  of  the  times 
and  to  the  r61e  which  he  had  been  called 
upon  to  play  in  Europe.  But,  unfortu- 
nately, the  Sovereign  Prince  who  was  to 
ascend  this  throne  brought  with  him  old 
religious  and  political  prejudices.  A  Pro- 
testant and  Calvinist,  an  ardent  disciple 
of  Gomar,  the  King,  at  heart,  hated  the 
Catholic  faith;  or,  at  any  rate,  deeply 
distrusted  the  Catholics  of  the  sixteenth 
century.  He  believed  that  he  could  best 
combat  it  secretly  and  with  some  hope  of 
success,  by  following  the  ways  of  Josephism ; 
and  to  this  end,  he  had  appointed  as  his 
director  of  the  Catholic  cult,  a  former  fiscal 
agent  of  Joseph  II,  a  man  of  whom  the 
authorities  at  Vienna  were  very  glad  to  be 
rid. 

In  political  matters,  King  William  I  had 

no  understanding  of  what  constituted  cor- 

176 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


dial  relationships  with  the  foreign  Powers. 
He  introduced  into  his  diplomatic  corre- 
spondence that  meticulous  spirit  which  was 
the  key-note  of  his  character,  and  which 
ended  in  begetting  for  him  a  certain  enmity 
and  distrust  among  the  great  ministries  of 
Europe. 

Becoming  King  of  the  Netherlands,  after 
having  had  merely  the  title  of  Stadtholder 
in  Holland,  he  cared  little,  in  general,  for 
names,  or  rank;  and  all  his  thought  seemed 
to  be  directed  towards  preserving  in  the 
institutions  of  his  new  Kingdom  all  possible 
elements  that  might  recall  or  resemble  the 
old  ways  to  which  many  enlightened  men 
of  Holland  had  long  paid  honor. 

A  democrat  who  held  ideas  of  despotism, 
nothing  could  better  depict  the  character 
of  this  Prince  than  the  reply  which  he  made 
when  the  Austrian  General,  the  Baron  de 
Vincent  (temporary  Governor-General  in 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


the  name  of  the  Allied  Powers)  handed  over 
to  him  the  reins  of  the  Government  of  the 
Netherlands,  in  1815: 

"Sire,"  said  the  General,  "the  country 
over  which  you  have  been  called  to  reign 
is  essentially  monarchical.  Your  Majesty 
will  find  particularly  in  the  ancient  Belgian 
provinces  a  nobility  attached  to  the  coun- 
try, by  reason  of  their  great  territorial 
possessions,  and,  on  principle,  devoted  to 
their  sovereign." 

"Monsieur,"  the  King  replied,  "I  am  the 
King  of  the  people!" 

I  heard  this  characteristic  anecdote  from 
a  person  having  it  in  confidence  from  Gene- 
ral Vincent  himself.  The  General  even 
added:  "From  that  moment,  I  augured  ill 
for  the  beginning  of  the  King's  reign." 

I  myself  often  had  occasion  to  realize 
(both  in  my  personal  correspondence  as 

Governor   of  South  Brabant   and   in  the 

178 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


discharge  of  my  duties  as  Grand  Chamber- 
lain) how  truly  the  above  quoted  words  of 
the  King  represented  his  inmost  thought. 
Here  is  to  be  seen  the  very  basis  of  his 
sentiments,  particularly  as  displayed  in  his 
public  audiences  where  he  received  every- 
one without  making  distinctions;  or,  rather, 
showing  preference  for  people  of  the  lowest 
social  rank. 

The  Memoirs  of  Count  Van  de  Duyn 
state  that  King  William  had  preserved,  or 
rather  inherited  from  his  ancestors,  a  hatred 
of  the  Bourbons.  I  myself  am  witness  to 
the  fact  that  he  permitted  the  publication 
in  Brussels  (at  the  time  when  I  was  Governor 
of  that  province  and  despite  my  protest), 
of  a  pamphlet  entitled  The  Yellow  Dwarf 
— a  veritable  libel  against  the  Bourbons, 
and  particularly  against  King  Louis  XVIII. 

Not  until  they  attacked  his  own  Govern- 
ment in  the  person  of  his  Minister  of  Justice, 

179 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


Mynheer  Van  Maanen,  was  he  willing  to 
have  the  authors  of  this  libel  sent  beyond 
the  rivers,  in  the  Northern  Provinces.  King 
William  was  the  first  among  the  sovereigns 
of  this  period  to  recognize  Louis  Philippe's 
accession  to  the  throne;  and,  moreover,  he 
hastened  to  prohibit  the  entrance  of  the 
Duchess  de  Barry  into  his  realm. 


i  so 


s-r  -////// 


^i-j  xvm 


XXV 

THE  Constitution  which,  by  virtue  of  the 
Eighteen  Articles  of  London,  should  have 
been  adopted  in  reuniting  Belgium  and 
Holland  as  the  new  Kingdom  of  the  Nether- 
lands, was  an  incomplete  piece  of  work, 
wherein,  (under  the  name  of  constitutional 
and  representative  Government,)  the  influ- 
ence of  the  King  sought  to  make  the  old 
Dutch  customs  prevail.  This  was  espe- 
cially true  in  regard  to  basing  elections  to 
the  States-General  entirely  on  elections  in 
the  provinces, — while  the  King  was  unwill- 
ing to  have  his  Ministers  responsible  to  the 
Chambers,  as  he  intended  to  retain  absolute 
control  of  the  executive  power  just  as  the 
Stadtholders  had  exercised  it ;  and  not  as  it 
then  existed  in  England,  and  as  it  had 

181 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


been  established  in  France  by  the  events 
of  1814. 

King  William  often  used  to  say:  "I 
should  prefer  to  give  up  my  throne  under 
such  conditions." 

King  William  was  an  indefatigable 
worker.  He  wished  to  know  all  the  details 
of  the  Administration.  At  four  in  the  morn- 
ing, winter  and  summer,  he  was  seated  in 
his  study  at  his  table  covered  with  documents 
from  his  Ministers;  and  the  most  appre- 
ciated among  these  Ministers, — one  might 
say  the  most  courted — was  he  who  sent  in 
the  most  voluminous  papers. 

The  King  cared  little  for  the  Arts,  and 
did  not  know  much  about  them.  On  the 
other  hand,  he  devoted  a  great  deal  of  his 
time  to  the  factories,  to  the  study  of  the 
manufactures  and  finance;  and  we  must 
in  all  justice  recognize  that  in  this  respect 

he  gave  the  country  an  impulse  which  sur- 

182 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


vived  the  events  that  overthrew  his 
sovereignty  in  the  Southern  Provinces. 

What  King  William  never  could  under- 
stand was  that  nations  do  not,  anymore  than 
individuals,  depend  alone  on  material  inter- 
ests, but  that,  above  all,  if  they  are  to  have 
a  future,  they  need  moral  and  intellectual 
satisfactions. 

It  has  been  thought  that  his  son,  the 
Prince  of  Orange,  professed  views  that  were 
more  constitutional,  but  this  is  a  mistake. 
I  have  often  had  the  honor  of  seeing  him 
intimately  in  his  family  life,  of  which  he 
was  so  fond  and  keenly  appreciative,  and 
whose  charm  resulted  from  the  Prince's 
own  amiability  and  goodness  of  character; 
and  yet  I  have  heard  him  speak  in  em- 
phatic protest  against  everything  that  re- 
sembled the  English  form  of  government, 
wherein,  as  he  said,  Royal  power  had  been 
annulled,  and  the  Ministry  was  everything; 

183 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


and  he  would  conclude  by  stating,  like  the 
King,  his  father,  that  he  would  rather 
abdicate  than  rule  under  similar  conditions. 

Alas!  under  similar  conditions!  If  they 
had  existed,  there  is  every  reason  for  be- 
lieving that  the  King  of  the  Netherlands, 
(warned  in  time  by  the  enterprise  planned 
by  the  unfortunate  Charles  X,  of  the  dis- 
orders which  would  ensue  and  which  must 
necessarily  affect  Belgium)  would  have 
adopted  concessions  and  reforms  based  on 
legitimate  demands,  and  that  thus  the 
Kingdom  of  the  Netherlands  would  have 
been  maintained  in  the  form  wherein  it 
had  been  founded  in  the  interests  of  general 
peace. 

Apart  from  this  ill-conceived  and  ill- 
defined  antipathy,  based  on  mistaken  judg- 
ment, the  Prince  of  Orange  was,  without 
doubt,  one  of  the  most  distinguished  princes 

of  Europe,  by  reason  of  his  polished  man- 

184 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


ners,  his  elegant  bearing,  the  kindliness  of 
his  character,  his  services  in  the  English 
army  in  Spain,  and  his  dashing  valor  at 
Waterloo!  Regrettable,  however,  was  a 
certain  lightness  in  his  character,  of  which 
advantage  was  taken,  and  that  gave  rise 
to  calumnies,  for  which  time  made  amends. 
But  we  should  recognize  that  his  faults 
were  redeemed  by  his  noble  and  generous 
sentiments,  and  by  impulses  of  a  sympathetic 
and  kindly  heart. 

In  writing  these  lines,  I  feel  the  desire 
of  recalling  with  grateful  memory  the  nu- 
merous marks  of  esteem  and  the  friendly 
confidence  which  the  Prince  of  Orange 
always  showed  me  from  the  very  beginning 
of  our  acquaintance,  and  of  which,  to  his 
last  day,  he  never  ceased  to  give  me  proofs 
that  I  regard  as  an  honor.  I  should  have 
been  happy  if  I  had  been  able  to  go  to  him 
and  bring  him  a  last  tribute  of  my  respect- 

185 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


ful  devotion;  but,  unfortunately,  my  depar- 
ture was  delayed  despite  my  efforts,  and  I 
was  prevented  from  seeing  him  again.  He 
had  succumbed  to  an  acute  illness  which 
carried  him  off  in  a  few  days. 


186 


XXVI 

SEVERAL  years  passed  before  I  was  able 
to  re-visit  King  William  in  Holland.  I  was 
staying  a  brief  while  at  the  Chateau  de  Loo, 
on  the  occasion  of  my  eldest  son's  marriage 
in  1835,  and  I  found  the  King  unchanged 
in  his  ideas  of  resistance  to  the  Conference 
of  London.  His  Majesty  showed  much 
pleasure  at  seeing  me  again,  but  avoided 
conversation  concerning  past  events;  and 
I,  for  my  part,  had  as  little  wish  to  make 
any  allusion  to  those  circumstances  whereof 
events  had  only  justified  my  presentiments 
and  prophecies.  The  course  of  events 
which  only  approved  my  judgment  were  now 
for  the  King  merely  a  lesson  that  had  come 
too  late.  In  vain  he  still  hoped  that  time 
and  the  Plenipotentiaries  then  assembled 

187 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


in  conference  at  London  might  bring  him 
some  fulfillment  of  his  desires. 

Later  I  paid  my  last  visit  to  The  Hague; 
and  this  time,  it  was  to  get  my  dismissal 
from  the  King.  He  had  agreed  to  a  treaty 
which  sanctioned  the  existence  of  the  King- 
dom of  Belgium,  and  which  recognized 
King  Leopold.  This  Prince  had,  in  1812, 
lived  at  Munich,  when  I  was  there  as  Envoy 
Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipoten- 
tiary of  the  Emperor  Napoleon.  I  often 
had  the  honor  of  receiving  him  at  my  home ; 
and  he  had  always  graciously  retained  an 
undiminished  sentiment  of  kindliness  to- 
wards me. 

Hitherto,  I  had  refrained  from  presenting 
myself  at  the  court  of  my  new  Sovereign, 
as  King  William  had  not  signed  the  treaty 
involving  the  separation  of  Holland  and 
Belgium.  But  now,  everything  was  changed : 
the  Kingdom  of  Belgium  had  been  consti- 

188 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


tuted;  King  William  had  not  only  recog- 
nized the  accession  of  King  Leopold  to  the 
throne  of  Belgium,  but  he  had  even  nomi- 
nated a  Minister  Plenipotentiary  accredited 
to  the  King  of  Belgium.  He  had  chosen 
Mynheer  Falk,  former  Minister  of  the  Inte- 
rior, who,  previous  to  that,  had  been  ac- 
credited to  England  in  the  quality  of 
Ambassador,  and  had  defended  the  interests 
of  the  King  in  connection  with  the  Con- 
ference of  London. 

I  no  longer  had  any  reason  to  delay  my 
presentation  to  King  Leopold;  and  with 
this  in  mind,  I  first  went  to  The  Hague, 
for  the  last  time,  to  get  my  dismissal  from 
King  William. 

He  had  invited  me  to  dine  at  the  Palais 
du  Bois.  On  arising  from  the  table,  I 
approached  His  Majesty,  and,  after  express- 
ing my  regret  at  my  inability  to  have  been 

of  greater  service  to  him,  I  thanked  him 

189 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


for  all  his  unfailing  kindness  to  me.  His 
emotion  was  apparent,  and  I  myself  was 
sincerely  touched.  After  a  moment  of 
silence,  he  spoke  to  me,  for  the  first  time, 
of  the  past,  and  of  the  devotion  I  had  always 
shown  him. 

"I  have  often  regretted,"  said  he  to  me, 
"that  when  you  came  to  the  wedding  of  the 
Princess  Marianne,  you  did  not  arrive  a 
fortnight  earlier." 

"Ah!  Sire,  if  I  had  been  sufficiently 
fortunate  to  have  been  able  to  inspire  you 
with  a  little  more  confidence,  the  moment 
to  which  you  allude  would  not  have  been 
badly  chosen.  A  sense  of  fear  and  uncer- 
tainty for  the  future  played  in  the  minds 
of  all ;  it  was  the  psychological  moment  for  a 
great  deed,  not  by  force  of  arms, — although 
you  had  that  means  in  your  power  in  the 
vicinity  of  Antwerp, — but  through  words 

of  peace,  of  conciliation  and  of  hope;   in 
190 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


short,  through  a  radical  change  in  your 
Government!  .  .  .  But  let  us  speak  no 
longer  of  those  times  which  have  now  en- 
tered into  the  domain  of  the  past.  Permit 
me,  Sire,  to  offer  to  you  and  your  august 
family,  my  sincerest  good  wishes ;  and  may 
you  deign  to  hold  me  in  kindly  memory 
— an  honor  which  I  shall  most  highly  prize." 

"I  hope,"  replied  the  King,  "that  I  shall 
have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  from  time 
to  time.  I  do  not  yet  know  where  I  shall 
establish  my  court;  but  wherever  I  am, 
come  directly  to  me,  and  you  shall  always 
be  received  as  one  of  my  own  family." 

Several  years  earlier,  the  Queen  had  died 
of  a  lingering  malady. 

When  I  took  leave  of  the  King,  it  was 
our  last  farewell ;  we  were  never  to  see  each 
other  again ! 

King  William  I  lacked  knowledge  con- 
cerning the  men  and  affairs  of  his  time;  he 
191 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


was  not  really  in  touch  with,  nor  did  he 
understand,  the  politics  of  his  day;  and  he 
had  prejudices  which  greatly  swayed  him, 
interfering  with  his  clearness  of  judgment. 
But  let  us  recognize  that  to  him  Belgium 
owed  the  incentive  given  to  her  industrial 
establishments,  the  creation  of  Seraing,  the 
General  Society,  and  other  institutions 
which  are  an  honor  to  the  country  and  con- 
tributed to  an  importance  that  is  not  to  be 
measured  by  Belgium's  extent  on  the  map 
of  Europe.  The  great  part  that  she  plays 
is  due  to  the  riches  contained  in  her  soil, 
to  her  commercial  relations,  to  her  industrial 
institutions,  and,  above  all,  to  her  excep- 
tional position,  the  best  guarantees  of 
whose  endurance  and  future  are  the  well- 
understood  interests  of  the  Great  Powers. 

The  accession  of  King  Leopold  to  the 

new  throne  of  Belgium    was  a  fortunate 
192 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


event  for  that  country.  He  had  the  quali- 
ties which  King  William  had  lacked:  a 
wide  experience  of  men  and  affairs,  a  mind 
of  great  intelligence  equal  to  the  demands 
of  the  day.  After  having  held  a  very  high 
status  as  the  husband  of  the  late  Princess 
Charlotte,  he  accepted  the  throne  of  Bel- 
gium when  that  land  was  issuing  from  a 
revolutionary  crisis  which  had,  as  far  as 
possible,  been  calmed  through  the  labors  of 
a  Congress  more  intent  on  placing  limits  to 
Governmental  power  than  on  giving  him 
means  of  action,  without  which  he  had  diffi- 
culty in  maintaining  his  position.  Yet 
under  the  circumstances,  on  ascending  to 
the  throne  of  Belgium,  surrounded  by  insti- 
tutions to  some  extent  republican  and  of 
revolutionary  origin,  Prince  Leopold  of 
Saxe-Coburg  saved  Europe  from  a  general 
war,  and,  in  especial,  saved  Belgium  from 
the  consequences  of  those  inevitable  excesses 

'3  193 


THE  EVENTS  OF  1830 


which  attend  the  overthrow  of  Royal  Power, 
and  the  unchaining  of  civic  passions. 

Endowed  with  a  wise  and  enlightened 
mind,  with  a  patience  that  was  proof  against 
everything,  with  trained  knowledge  and 
perfect  taste  in  matters  of  Art;  an  intelli- 
gent patron  of  Letters  and  of  everything 
favorable  to  the  industrial  movement  of 
our  day,  King  Leopold  has  shown  his  ability 
to  win  the  utmost  confidence  of  all  the 
Cabinets  of  Europe,  to  calm  party  violence, 
and  to  inspire  devotion  throughout  the 
provinces  of  Belgium,  a  Kingdom  which  is 
indebted  to  him  for  its  existence,  its  pros- 
perity, and  its  future,  at  this  time  when 
unbridled  passions  are  overthrowing  other 
countries,  disturbing  the  Orient,  and  men- 
acing in  general  the  social  order. 


194 


n<3    JL-Wtudd  I  <3f  dje/ai* 


cX 


APPENDIX 


195 


ROYAL  MESSAGE 

Nobles  et  Puissants  Seigneurs: 

The  project  of  law  that  We  herewith  present  to 
you,  is  a  regrettable  but  necessary  consequence  of 
occurrences  in  some  of  the  provinces  of  the  King- 
dom. 

In  a  time  of  foreign  and  domestic  peace;  in  the 
midst  of  prosperity  in  so  many  branches  of  industry; 
under  a  system  of  laws  that  are  moderate,  of 
political  and  civic  freedom,  We  see  a  small  number 
of  our  subjects,  (deceived  by  the  exaggerations, 
and  incited  by  the  disturbances  of  evilly-inspired 
persons,)  failing  to  recognize  all  these  benefits,  and 
ranging  themselves  in  opposition,  in  a  most  dan- 
gerous and  scandalous  manner,  to  the  Government, 
the  laws,  and  Our  paternal  designs. 

The  licence  of  the  press,  (that  press  whose  greater 
freedom  than  in  any  other  country  of  Europe 
We  should  have  desired  to  assure),  has  unfortu- 
nately only  contributed  all  too  greatly  to  the  spread 
of  disquiet,  discord  and  distrust;  it  has  diffused  doc- 
trines as  subversive  of  social  institutions,  (whatever 
might  be  the  form  of  State  Administration)  as 
they  are  entirely  opposed  to  the  Government 
of  the  Netherlands  established  by  its  Funda- 
mental Law;  and  opposed,  also,  to  the  rights  of 
Our  House,  rights  which  We  have  never  wished  to 
197 


APPENDIX 


exercise  in  an  unlimited  fashion,  but  which,  of 
Our  own  initiative,  We  have  restrained  as  far  as 
We  have  deemed  compatible  with  the  lasting 
prosperity,  the  customs  and  the  character  of  the 
nation. 

This  press,  whose  constitutional  liberty  had  as 
aim  the  diffusion  of  knowledge  and  information, 
has  been  dishonored  by  ill-wishers,  to  the  extent 
that  it  has  become  a  means  of  provoking  dissen- 
sions, discontent,  religious  hatreds,  the  spirit  of 
factions,  of  censure  and  revolt;  and  it  has  so  at- 
tacked and  undermined  public  tranquillity,  the 
moral  strength  of  the  State,  the  free  progress  of 
the  Government  and  the  performance  of  public 
duties  that  it  has  become  our  grievous  duty  seri- 
ously to  consider  in  common  its  activities,  and  to 
adopt  firm  measures  and  salutary  laws,  lest  the 
prosperity  of  the  State  suffer  from  its  attacks,  and 
the  fidelity  and  love  of  Our  subjects,  and  their 
loyalty  to  monarchical  government,  modified  by 
a  constitution,  be  disturbed.  In  brief,  We  must 
see  to  it  that  in  this  Kingdom  of  the  Netherlands, 
true  liberty,  law  and  order  shall  be  respected  and 
maintained. 

In  this  connection,  Nobles  et  Puissants  Seigneurs, 
it  appeared  to  Us  necessary, — on  the  occasion  of 
presenting  a  law  tending  only  to  assure  the  enjoy- 
ment of  good  through  the  suppression  of  evil — 
to  make  known  Our  personal  opinion  concerning 
the  conduct  of  the  Government  of  Our  Kingdom. 

If  We  fix  our  attention  on  the  religious  interests 
198 


APPENDIX 


of  the  citizens,  We  find,  that,  just  as  the  religion 
which  We  and  Our  House  profess  after  the  example 
of  Our  Forefathers  has  for  its  motto,  "Liberty," 
so  have  entire  freedom  in  religious  opinions,  equal 
protection  of  all  the  faiths  existing  in  Our  King- 
dom, and  the  free  exercise  of  creeds  sanctioned  by 
the  Fundamental  Law,  been  constantly  the  object 
of  Our  particular  care. 

As  to  what  concerns  the  Roman  Catholic  religion, 
there  has  been,  since  Our  accession  to  the  throne, 
no  course  more  safe  and  fitting  to  follow  than  that 
which  was  observed  in  the  glorious  and  justly 
revered  reign  of  Maria  Theresa,  in  those  provinces 
of  the  Kingdom  where  the  Catholic  religion  is 
professed  by  the  majority  of  the  people. 

The  arrangements  which  We  adopted  during  the 
first  years  of  Our  reign  were  based  on  her  example. 

Since  the  conclusion  of  the  Concordat,  and  the 
full  and  entire  application  of  that  agreement  in 
those  very  provinces,  the  Roman  Catholic  Church 
has  enjoyed  more  freedom  there  than  ever  before, 
and  this  benefit  can  be  unceasingly  assured  to  our 
Roman  Catholic  subjects  in  the  other  provinces, 
through  the  happy  continuance  of  negotiations 
having  this  object  in  view,  negotiations  which 
enable  Us  to  look  forward  to  speedy  appointments 
to  bishoprics  now  vacant. 

We  congratulate  ourselves  on  being  able,  more- 
over, to  give  here  the  assurance  that  Our  decree 
of  October  2nd  of  this  year, — whose  stability  is 
guaranteed  as  much  by  Our  Conventions  with  the- 

199 


APPENDIX 


Papal  Court  as  by  Our  resolute  desire — has  not 
only  fulfilled  all  the  wishes  of  the  Holy  See,  in  the 
interests  of  Our  Roman  Catholic  subjects,  but  also 
that  the  Head  of  this  Church,  after  becoming 
acquainted  with  this  decree,  has  shown  Us  his 
appreciation  of  it,  in  declaring  that  "We  have 
given  to  Our  conventions  with  the  Holy  See  all 
the  force  and  impulse  of  good-will;  that  We  have 
carried  out  the  agreement  without  confusion, 
word  for  word;  that  We  have  left  to  the  bishops 
the  power  of  acting  according  to  arrangements 
which  We  have  previously  sanctioned;  and  that 
Our  attitude  is  not  subject  to  any  criticism  what- 
soever." 

If  We  further  consider  that  the  affairs  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  faith  have  just  been  entrusted, 
in  virtue  of  Our  decrees,  to  a  special  administration, 
then  We  must  be  permitted  to  believe  that,  in 
this  respect  also,  the  wishes  of  a  large  number  of 
Our  people  as  well  as  Our  own  wishes  will  be 
fulfilled. 

However,  Nobles  et  Puissants  Seigneurs,  We  do 
not  seek  to  pretend  that,  despite  the  enjoyment  of 
all  these  advantages,  there  does  not  exist  an 
exaggerated  religious  zeal,  roused  by  no  praise- 
worthy aim,  and  maintained  by  pernicious  influ- 
ence, and  but  little  restrained  by  the  observations 
of  the  beneficial  precepts  of  a  religion  which  seeks 
to  preserve  tranquillity  and  rational  obedience;  and 
this  zeal  may  yet  re-act  in  a  fatal  way,  and  bring 
forth  seeds  of  division  and  resistance,  unless, 
200 


APPENDIX 


sooner  or  later,  there  shall  be,  in  some  form,  a 
promulgation  of  doctrines  and  an  attempt  aiming 
to  check  by  law  the  influence  of  a  religious  system 
on  the  course  of  the  Government  of  the  State. 

But  We  hereby  give  assurance  that  We  firmly 
resolve,  by  all  means  within  Our  power,  to  obviate 
this,  and  to  continue  to  maintain  the  temporal 
authority  in  all  its  integrity;  to  watch  constantly 
over  the  conservation  of  liberty  among  the  various 
faiths;  yet,  at  the  same  time,  to  see  to  it  that  all 
the  religious  communions  keep  themselves  strictly 
within  the  limits  of  obedience  to  the  laws  of  the 
State,  to  the  end  of  still  further  guaranteeing 
liberty  of  conscience,  and  maintaining  the  laws  of 
the  Government  beyond  reach  of  encroachments 
by  any  religious  authority. 

If  We  consider  the  question  of  Education,  (which 
the  Constitution  has  made  the  special  object  of 
Our  constant  solicitude,)  We  may  flatter  Ourselves 
that  We  are  entitled  to  the  gratitude  of  the  wise 
legislators  of  Our  nation,  for  having  of  Our  own 
initiative  called  forth  the  legal  enactments  affect- 
ing Public  Instruction.  Assuredly,  if,  on  the  one 
hand,  in  essentially  modifying  the  existing  dispo- 
sitions, which  are  approved  by  a  large  number  of 
Our  subjects,  We  have  not  adopted  the  unlimited 
liberty  which,  in  its  licence,  leads  to  confusion 
and  to  the  annihilation  of  civilization  and  of  intel- 
lectual development,  close  examination,  will,  on  the 
other  hand,  show  that  in  this  matter  the  Govern- 
ment has  given  to  communal  and  provincial  author- 

201 


APPENDIX 


ities  all  that  could  be  conferred  by  the  Law;  and 
We  desire  that  you,  Nobles  et  Puissants  Seigneurs, 
will  enlighten  Us,  and  show  Us  whether  through 
our  proposals  We  have  achieved  Our  aim,  which  is 
nothing  but  the  satisfaction  of  the  reasonable 
wishes  of  Our  subjects. 

Yet,  Nobles  et  Puissants  Seigneurs,  the  nation 
has  the  right  to  demand  of  Us  that  We  show  as 
much  strength  in  repressing  unworthy  claims,  as 
We  do  eagerness  in  welcoming  the  expression  of 
sensible  wishes.  That  firmness  which  is  the  basis 
of  social  welfare,  is  likewise  the  essential  principle 
of  Our  rule,  and  We  do  not  doubt  that  the  assur- 
ance We  here  give  of  our  utter  repugnance  to 
crossing  the  boundary  line  that  separates  necessary 
firmness  from  misplaced  indulgence,  will  encourage 
good  citizens,  and  will  foil  all  hope  of  success 
through  violence  and  resistance. 

If  We  examine  all  Our  statutes  in  regard  to  the 
use  of  the  French  language,  We  must  believe  that 
all  steps  have  been  taken  which  could  reasonably 
be  desired,  to  facilitate  private  transactions.  If, 
however,  We  become  convinced  that  these  steps 
are  insufficient,  or  might  without  inconvenience 
be  extended  to  public  transactions,  We  shall  be 
disposed  to  modify  them  in  a  desirable  manner; 
but  We  hereby  add  to  the  assurance  that  this  object 
of  Our  consideration  will  be  subordinated  to  the 
general  situation  of  the  nation,  the  further  assur- 
ance that  neither  declarations  of  impetuous  excite- 
ment, nor  unsuitable  demands,  shall  bring  nearer 


APPENDIX 


the  time  when  We  shall  assent  to  the  desires  that 
have  been  expressed. 

The  equitable  principle  of  the  irremovability  of 
Judges  has  already  been  consecrated  by  law,  and 
it  seems  to  Us,  in  view  of  the  judiciary  organization 
so  soon  to  take  place,  that  Our  intervention,  in 
this  respect,  is  no  longer  necessary. 

If  We  pause  to  consider  the  question  of  Ministe- 
rial responsibility, — (and  it  is  more  difficult  to  de- 
termine the  true  sense  of  this  question  than  to 
realize  why  it  has  been  brought  forward) — if  We 
take  into  consideration  the  dispositions  of  the 
Fundamental  Law,  which  not  only  submits  all  Gov- 
ernmental acts  exclusively  to  Our  examination  and 
Our  decision,  but  also  yields  Us  the  right  to 
regulate  the  nature  of  the  obligations  that  We  may 
desire  to  impose,  under  oath,  on  the  Ministerial 
Chiefs  of  Departments  to  be  established  by  Us; 
if,  after  this,  We  wish  to  examine  the  power  en- 
trusted to  Us,  and  continue  to  take  to  heart  the 
interest  of  Our  well-beloved  subjects,  We  do  not 
believe  that  We  can  admit  that  our  Ministers  have, 
apart  from  their  relations  with  Us,  any  respon- 
sibility besides  those  equally  determined  for  them 
by  the  Fundamental  Law  and  other  existing  laws. 
Indeed,  in  the  constitutional  existence  of  the  State 
Council,  and  in  the  teaching  that  this  Council  (and 
not  such  and  such  Head  of  a  ministerial  department) 
be  listened  to,  we  find  not  only  exclusion  of  the 
principle  of  Ministerial  responsibility,  but,  further, 
a  better  guarantee  for  the  welfare  of  the  Belgian 
203 


APPENDIX 


people  than  the  adoption,  prior  to  ripe  discussion, 
of  any  measure  affecting  their  existence.1 

The  introduction  of  such  Ministerial  responsi- 
bility to  the  two  Chambers  that  constitute  the 
States-General,  and  to  the  Judiciary,  would,  more- 
over, remove  the  Royal  prerogative,  in  contradic- 
tion to  the  Fundamental  Law,  from  this  field  of 
action,  without  offering  any  surer  guarantee  for 
the  liberties  of  the  people.  For  whoever  might 
be  the  individuals  called  upon  to  judge  the  actions 
of  the  Ministers,  there  would  be  no  beneficial 
result,  unless  these  judges  were  free  from  the 
weaknesses  of  humanity,  and  beyond  its  passions 
and  errors. 

The  situation  in  the  Netherlands,  in  this  respect, 
is  not  similar  to  that  in  several  other  countries, 
where  it  has  been  possible  to  introduce  Ministerial 
responsibility  without  inconveniences,  following 
circumstances  entirely  foreign  to  this  Kingdom, 
and  whose  absence  has  actuated  a  quite  different 
course  in  its  constitutional  government. 

Yet,  on  the  other  hand,  Nobles  et  Puissants  Sei- 
gneurs, We  feel  the  need  of  constantly  increasing 
the  common  accord  by  giving  greater  scope  to  the 

1  In  this  paragraph  is  to  be  found  the  crux  of  the  King's 
message.  He  refuses  to  make  his  Ministers  responsible  to  the 
Representatives  of  the  nation;  and  claims  for  himself  the  sole 
right  to  interpret  the  Constitution.  Mercy  Argenteau's  report 
of  his  interview  with  Charles  X  indicates  how  greatly  this 
action  of  the  King  of  the  Netherlands  affected  the  King  of  France 
when  he  was  contemplating  the  coup  d'etat  which  was  to  be 
followed  by  the  Revolution  of  1830. — THE  EDITOR. 

204 


APPENDIX 


official  relations  between  the  heads  of  ministerial 
departments  and  the  two  Chambers  of  the  States- 
General;  and  the  way  in  which  Our  intentions 
in  this  respect  may  most  speedily  and  best  be 
carried  out,  is  the  object  of  Our  most  serious 
deliberations. 

The  question  of  the  conflict x  has  not  escaped  our 
attention,  and  as  much  as  We  desire  the  unhindered 
progress  of  the  administrative  power,  We  are 
equally  desirous  not  to  deprive  (unless  there  be 
need)  any  of  Our  subjects  from  their  recourse  to 
the  Tribunals.  We  propose  to  take  this  matter 
up  again  after  the  introduction  of  the  Judiciary 
organization,  when  We  flatter  ourselves  that  We 
shall  be  able,  in  a  fitting  manner,  to  reconcile 
both  these  objects  whose  need  is  equally  felt. 

The  privileges  of  the  States-Provinces  have 
also  during  recent  years  given  rise  to  a  diversion 
of  opinion.  Those  authorities  constituted  for 
definite  and  important  purposes  are  greatly  entitled 
to  Our  confidence  and  Our  protection.  Placed 
between  their  constituencies  and  the  Throne,  they 
are  enabled  to  apprize  Us  of  the  special  needs  of 
their  provinces,  and  to  make  recommendations  to 
Us  regarding  their  interests. 

In  constantly  observing  these  principles,  without 
extending  the  sphere  of  their  privileges  to  the  general 
laws  which  are  more  especially  submitted  to  the 
consideration  of  the  legislative  power;  in  limit- 
ing themselves  to  the  objects  which  immediately 

1  Between  Ministers  and  Representatives. 
205 


APPENDIX 


concern  them,  or  which,  as  a  consequence  of  general 
regulations,  have  particularly  to  do  with  their 
provinces,  the  States-Provinces  can  certainly  fruit- 
fully support,  in  Our  presence,  the  true  interests 
of  their  provinces  and  their  constituencies. 

Faithful  to  this  principle,  We  shall  show  as  much 
cordiality  in  listening  with  good-will  to  the  propo- 
sitions of  the  provincial  authorities  as  We  shall 
show  firmness  in  preventing  them  from  occupying 
themselves,  (through  misplaced  interference  and 
in  a  manner  injurious  to  the  welfare  of  Our  sub- 
jects) with  legislative  power  that  the  Fundamental 
Law  has  placed  exclusively  in  Our  hands  and  in 
the  two  Chambers. 

As  regards  the  inconvenience  that  some  have 
seemed  to  discover  in  the  arrangements  of  rules 
in  regard  to  certain  dismissals  from  office,  the 
exercise  of  the  vote,  and  various  other  civil  rights, 
this  inconvenience  We  have  just  recently  obviated. 

Finally,  Nobles  et  Puissants  Seigneurs,  if  We  cast 
a  glance  at  the  financial  affairs  of  the  Kingdom, 
We  note  with  satisfaction  the  constant  decrease 
in  expenses  outside  of  those  resulting  from  the 
establishment  of  constitutional  institutions,  legal 
engagements,  general  catastrophes  and  troubles 
in  Our  colonies;  and  We  note  the  certainty  of  still 
greater  economies.  We  further  find  that  the 
wishes  expressed  for  the  abolition  of  the  tax  on 
grinding  of  corn  have  been  fulfilled;  and  that, 
through  a  plan  of  legislation  the  public  desire  has 
been  satisfied  for  preventing,  as  far  as  possible, 
206 


APPENDIX 


any  abuses  in  the  question  of  the  syndicate  of 
amortization. — In  brief,  Nobles  et  Puissants  Sei- 
gneurs, it  is  in  this  respect  that  We  are  particu- 
larly convinced  that,  whatever  may  be  the  results, 
Our  efforts  for  the  prosperity  of  the  nation,  the 
decrease  of  its  expenses,  the  maintenance  of  a 
well-conducted  Administration  and  the  conserva- 
tion of  the  State's  credit,  will  not  be  misunderstood 
either  by  Our  contemporaries  or  by  posterity. 

Should  not  such  a  picture,  Nobles  et  Puissants 
Seigneurs,  confirm  Our  confidence  in  the  providence 
of  the  God  of  Our  Fathers,  in  the  affection  and 
gratitude  of  Our  well-beloved  subjects,  and  finally, 
in  the  constitutional  co-operation  by  you,  Nobles 
et  Puissants  Seigneurs,  in  joining  Me  in  suppress- 
ing the  evil-minded,  and  effectively  protecting  the 
good? 

In  such  case,  there  will  be  no  unfortunate  and 
innocent  victims  of  the  crafty  and  the  wicked; 
no  evil  deed  will  be  planned,  or,  unpunished,  car- 
ried out ;  union  between  Our  citizens  will  be  main- 
tained without  regard  to  religion  or  origin,  and  the 
liberty  of  all  will  be  assured,  despite  the  under- 
handed plots  of  some  persons.  Thus,  under  these 
circumstances,  action  in  common  accord  with  you, 
Nobles  et  Puissants  Seigneurs,  in  the  affirmation 
of  social  order,  and  liberal  and  firm  action  of  the 
Government,  will  carry  on  to  posterity  and  for 
Our  House  the  great  examples  of  Our  Forefathers, 
whose  wisdom  and  courage  shielded  the  political, 
civil  and  religious  liberties  of  the  Netherlands 
207 


APPENDIX 


against  the  usurpations  of  a  misguided  mob,  and 
the  ambition  of  foreign  dominion. 

Whereupon  we  pray  God,  Nobles  et  Puissants 
Seigneurs,  to  keep  you  in  His  holy  and  worthy 
guard. 

THE  HAGUE, 
Dec.  nth,  1829. 


208 


CIRCULAR 

Addressed  by  the  Minister  of  Justice  to  all  the  at- 
torney-generals and  assistant  attorney-generals, 
to  all  the  criminal  lawyers,  to  all  the  King's 
attorneys  and  their  assistants  connected  with 
the  Tribunals,  and  to  all  the  Heads  of  the  police. 

THE  HAGUE,  December  12, 1820. 

The  Royal  Message,  and  the  project  of  law  ad- 
dressed yesterday  by  the  King  to  the  Second 
Chamber  of  the  States-General  are  the  results  of 
His  Majesty's  convictions  relative  to  the  necessity 
of  very  severe  and  active  measures,  under  the 
circumstances  in  which  the  commonwealth  finds 
itself,  especially  in  certain  provinces  of  the  King- 
dom. 

These  circumstances  are  clearly  and  thoroughly 
shown  in  these  documents,  where,  moreover,  the 
personal  views  of  the  King  on  the  course  of  the 
Government  of  the  Kingdom  are  unfolded. 

In  giving  you  a  copy  of  these  documents,  I  must, 
in  obedience  to  the  wishes  of  the  King,  expressly 
call  your  attention  to  the  obligation  which  rests 
upon  you,  of  agreeing  to  the  governmental  prin- 
ciples of  His  Majesty,  as  they  are  set  forth  in  the 
aforesaid  Message,  and  of  taking  them  as  your 
guide  in  the  exercise  of  your  functions;  for  it  is 
14  209 


APPENDIX 


alone  through  these  principles  that  the  steady  and 
regular  progress  of  the  Government  can  be  assured, 
a  progress  necessary  to  strengthen  and  aid  the 
general  interests.  Here  and  there,  a  lukewarm 
attitude  has  made  itself  only  too  manifest,  and 
there  have  even  been  cases  of  total  absence  of 
courageous  and  manly  preservation  of  the  constitu- 
tional power  of  the  King  and  the  Government,  a 
preservation  above  all  obligatory  on  His  Majesty's 
Officers  of  Justice.  This  may,  perhaps,  be  attri- 
buted in  part  to  the  doctrines  spread  abroad 
through  the  abuses  of  the  press,  and  blindly  ad- 
mitted by  many  who  have  not  reflected  on  them 
or  examined  them — doctrines  in  opposition  to  the 
Government  of  the  Netherlands  and  the  rights  of 
the  King ;  and,  in  part  also,  to  the  moral  oppression 
which  the  violent  and  evil  outbursts  of  several 
newspapers  have  exercised  on  the  minds  of  some 
persons  in  the  King's  employ.  It  is  in  this  way 
that  the  sentiment  of  duty  in  respect  to  public 
functions  has  been  diminished. 

Now  that  the  King  himself  has  so  clearly  and 
thoroughly  shown  the  principles  which  he  considers 
as  guiding  for  governing  the  State,  and  which  so 
plainly  proceed  from  the  Fundamental  Law  of 
the  Netherlands,  whoever,  exercising  public  duties, 
acts  contrary  to  these  principles  may  not,  in  excuse, 
allege  that  he  erred  in  good  faith,  through  ignor- 
ance of  the  King's  sentiments.  I  am  charged  to 
recall  to  you  expressly  the  obligation  which  rests 
particularly  upon  you  as  His  Majesty's  Officers, 

210 


APPENDIX 


not  to  permit  any  consideration  whatever  to 
turn  you  from  the  adoption  and  the  defense  of 
these  principles,  which  are  the  basis  of  the  social 
edifice  in  the  Netherlands,  and  the  guides  of 
Governmental  action.  The  King  may,  with  the 
greatest  right,  impose  the  observation  of  these 
principles  upon  those  who  hold  their  offices  from 
His  Majesty,  and  who  do  not  wish  to  lose  them, 
but  desire  to  preserve  His  Majesty's  confidence. 

Let  me  especially  and  emphatically  suggest  that 
in  the  future  you  be  not  deterred,  for  any  reason 
whatsoever,  from  maintaining  and  carrying  into 
execution  all  existing  laws  and  rules;  for  His 
Majesty  has  learned  that,  on  numerous  occasions, 
there  have  been  lukewarmness  and  neglect  in  this 
respect,  and  he  seriously  desires  all  who  have, 
and  wish  to  continue  to  have,  the  honor  of  public 
office,  to  show  themselves  worthy  thereof  through 
their  zeal  in  having  the  laws  respected,  and  in 
maintaining  and  assuring  peace  and  order. 

In  so  strongly  reminding  you  of  your  obligations, 
the  King  has  no  intention  of  violating  the  liberty 
of  your  sentiments  and  opinions.  It  is  one  to 
which,  like  every  other  liberty,  public  officials  are 
as  much  entitled  as  are  private  citizens.  But 
when  this  liberty  takes  on  a  blameworthy  tendency 
fatal  to  the  State,  leading  to  the  neglect  of  duties, 
and  to  opposition  to  the  paternal  views  of  the 
King,  His  Majesty  deems  himself  obliged,  in  the 
public  interest,  to  withdraw  his  confidence  from 
those  public  officials  who  show  themselves  unable 

211 


to  follow  and  adopt  the  principles  which  the  King, 
in  the  aforesaid  Message,  has  expressly  declared 
to  be  the  rules  of  his  Government. 

I  therefore  invite  you  to  reflect  soberly  on  the 
contents  of  this  circular  and  the  Royal  Message  ap- 
pended thereto,  and  request  you  to  inform  me,  dur- 
ing the  two  days  following  their  reception,  whether 
or  not  you  are  prepared  to  follow  the  course  therein 
indicated,  and  without  allowing  yourself  the  least 
deviation,  but  with  all  zeal,  confidence  and  firm- 
ness, without  which  it  would  be  impossible  effec- 
tually to  conserve  our  country  and  protect  its 
peaceful  citizens  against  the  perverted  attempts  of 
the  evil-disposed. 

The  Minister  of  Justice 

(Signed)  VAN  MAANEN. 


212 


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